GIFT  OF 


The  Municipalization  of  Play 
and  Recreation 


The  Beginnings  of  a  New  Institution 


By 
JOSEPH  RICHARD  FULK,  Ph.  D. 

Professor  of  Education,  Teachers  College 
University  of  Florida 


COPYRIGHT   1922 

by 
JOSEPH   R.  FULK 


Giit 


THE  CLAFLIN   PRINTING   COMPANY 
UNIVERSITY    PLACE.     NEBRASKA 


o 


PREFACE 

My  work  as  superintendent  of  city  schools  forced  me  into 
this  problem.  The  recreational  life  of  small  cities  and  towns 
is  so  unsatisfactory,  so  wasteful,  and  so  morally  dangerous, 
that  I  was  led  to  attempt  to  understand  it.  My  master's 
thesis,  "The  Motion  Picture  Show  with  Special  Reference  to 
its  Effects  on  Morals  and  Education,"  increased  my  interest 
in  the  human  struggle  for  wholesome  and  developmental  ex- 
ercise of  fundamental  instincts.  This  little  book  is  an  at- 
tempt to  show  one  tendency  in  this  struggle. 

The  manuscript  of  this  book  was  accepted,  in  1917,  in 
partial  fulfillment  of  the  requirements  for  the  degree  of  doc- 
tor of  philosophy  at  the  University  of  Nebraska.  It  is  pub- 
lished as  written  at  that  time  with  a  few  minor  changes  and 
additions.  Some  new  matter  has  been  introduced  in  chapters 
ii,  iii,  and  iv.  However,  no  attempt  has  been  made  to  follow 
the  problem  through  and  after  the  World  War.  Social  condi- 
tions were  normal  in  1917. 

Ideas  and  facts  have  been  taken  freely  from  others. 
Credit  in  no  case  has  been  purposely  omitted. 

The  writer  here  expresses  his  deep  obligation  to  many 
city  officials,  and  other  persons,  who  have  so  kindly  answered 
questions,  and  sent  helpful  material.  To  Dr.  G.  W.  A.  Luckey 
for  his  wise  direction,  and  to  my  wife  for  her  patient  and 
skillful  assistance  in  the  preparation  of  the  manuscript,  I  am 
especially  indebted. 


July,  1922  JOSEPH  R.  FULK 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

Page 
Preface    Ill 

Chapter  I 

Introduction  .* 1-4 

Leisure  and  work 1 

Labor,  congestion,  and  neglect  of  leisure 1 

The  American  city  and  its  advantages 2 

Leisure,  a  serious  city  problem 2 

A  new  institution  forming  in  the  city 3 

Purpose  of  the  following  chapters 

Play  versus  work 3 

Play,  recreation,  leisure,  as  used 4 

Chapter  II 

Active  Recognition  of  the  Social  Value  of  Play  and  Rec- 
reation   5-14 

Play  and  work,  problems  of  civilization :.        5 

Democracy  and  leisure  related 5 

Labor,  leisure,  and  dissipation 

Power  of  environment 6 

Conditions  growing  out  of  immigration  and  congestion       7 

Recreation  a  necessary  human  need 8 

Social  changes  taking  recreation  from  the  home 

Private  enterprise  exploits  the  need 8 

Rise  of  Playground  and  Recreation  Association  of 

America    - 

Early  city  play  centers < 

The  schools  recognize  recreation 10 

The  community  center  movement 10 

Recreation  legislation 

Recreation  surveyed  12 

City  planning  and  recreation 

Public  interest  and  support  of  recreational  means 13 

Industrialism  fosters  recreation 14 


vi  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

Chapter  III 

Page 

Factors  Forcing  Public  Recognition  of  Play  and  Recrea- 
tion  J 15-24 

Slow  recognition  of  recreation  as  a  social  problem 15 

Perverted  forms  of  recreation 16 

Problem  of  human  living  together 17 

Results  of  urbanization 17 

Shorter  labor  day  and  unprotected  leisure 19 

Child  labor  laws  and  child  idleness 20 

Commercialization  of  leisure J 20 

Failure  of  school  and  church  to  solve  the  problem 21 

Recreational  prestige  of  the  big  city 22 

Labor's  need  for  wholesome  recreation 22 

Summary    23 

Chapter  IV 

Municipal  Recognition  and  Administration  of  Play  and 

Recreation    25-37 

Progressive  meaning  of  public  utilities 25 

General  administrative  plans 25 

Recreation  commission  and  superintendent 26 

The  Detroit  plan,  the  Recreation  Commission 26 

s  Playground  Department,  Los  Angeles 31 

Cleveland,  Department  of  Public  Welfare 31 

Superintendent  of  Recreation,  Dayton 32 

Board  of  Park  Commissioners,  Springfield 32 

Chicago's  complicated  system 33 

Duplication  and  lack  of  coordination 33 

Forms  and  tendencies  in  municipal  management 34 

City  expense  for  recreation 34 

Summary    36 

Chapter  V 

A  Study  of  the  Public  Play  and  Recreation  Facilities  of 

Forty-Six  Small  Cities  and  Villages  of  Nebraska.. 38-88 

A.    Introductory — Some  Recent  Investigations  of  Munic- 
ipal Recreation 38-43 

The  survey  movement .._ 38 


TABLE  OP  CONTENTS  vii 

Page 

Definition  and  grouping  of  surveys 38 

Purpose  of  this  study 39 

Typical  small  town  studies 39 

Purpose  of  these  brief  reviews 43 

B.  State  Regulations  Relating  to  Recreation 43-45 

Growth  of  recreation  legislation    43 

Native  legislation  44 

Positive  and  constructive  laws 44 

Permissive  laws 45 

C.  An  Inventory  of  the  Public  Play  and  Recreation 

Facilities  of  the  Forty-Six  Cities  and  Villages....45-59 

Population  of  the  towns 45 

Density  of  population  of  the  state 46 

Distribution  of  the  towns 46 

Sources  of  data  used. 46 

Value  of  the  mayors'  replies 49 

Grouping  of  recreation  activities 49 

Governmental  agencies  50 

Commercial  agencies 51 

Incidental  Agencies 52 

Religious,  philanthropic,  and  social  agencies 53 

Typical  recreation  facilities 54 

Attitude  of  mayors  toward  recreation 56 

Conclusion  -58 

D.  The  Utilization  and  Inadequacy  of  the  Public  Play 

and  Recreation  Facilities  in  the  City  and  Vil- 

ages  59-68 

Author's  right  to  interpret  data 59 

Public  school  recreation 59 

Libraries  and  recreation 60 

Value  of  open  air  concerts 60 

Uses  of  city  halls A 61 

Billiards  popular  and  under  ban 61 

The  passing  of  traveling  shows 61 

Baseball  and  carnivals 62 

Constancy  of  incidental  agencies 62 

Ancillary  use  of  recreation 63 

Relation  of  recreation  to  religious  life 64 

Church  existence  takes  church  energy 65 


viii  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

Page 

Recreational  trend  of  lectures,  etc 66 

Semi-private  agencies 67 

Uses  of  community  buildings 67 

Summary 68 

E.  The  Evaluation  and  Meaning  of  the  Complex  and 
Over-Lapping  Agencies  of  Public  Play  and  Rec- 
reation   68-88 

Systemless  and  inefficient  recreation 68 

Purpose  of  this  division 68 

Towns  studied  are  rural 69 

Ruralness  of  Nebraska 70 

State  population  typically  American , 70 

National  social  consciousness 71 

Travel,  education,  and  literature  as  factors 71 

Commercialism  and  big  city  prestige 72 

Social  betterment  movements 74 

The  community  Christmas  tree 74 

Development  of  community  music 75 

Music  and  industry : 77 

The  social  center  a  rediscovery 78 

Local  clubs  79 

Strength  of  social  forces  in  small  and  large  cities.,  79 

A  conception  of  the  development  of  civilization 80 

Metropolitan  urbanization  81 

Home  and  congestion  in  small  towns 82 

Industrialism  and  the  home 83 

Other  factors  of  family  disintegration 83 

Recreation  a  free-lance  agency 84 

Summary  of  factors  weakening  the  home 84 

Hinderances  to  social  readjustments 85 

Home  becomes  secondary 86 

A  new  institution  in  the  margin  of  leisure 87 

Conclusion  87 


Chapter  VI 
Conclusion  89-90 

Bibliography  . , 91-97 


The  Municipalization  of  Play 
and  Recreation 


CHAPTER  I 

Introduction 

"Economists  have  been  for  a  long  time  trying  to  dis- 
cover how  best  to  employ  the  energies  of  men.  Ah !  if  I  could 
but  discover  how  best  to  employ  their  leisure !  Labor  in  plenty 
there  is  sure  to  be.  But  where  look  for  recreation  ?  The  daily 
work  provides  the  daily  bread,  but  laughter  gives  it  savor. 
Oh,  all  you  philosophers!  Begin  the  search  for  pleasure! 
Find  for  us,  if  you  can,  amusements  that  do  not  degrade,  joys 
that  uplift.  Invent  a  holiday  that  gives  everyone  pleasure 
and  makes  none  ashamed."  (107:  23-24.) 

Leisure  is  relief  from  work.  Work,  in  ordinary  usage,  is 
whatever  is  purposely  undertaken  by  an  individual  that  "he 
would  not  at  the  time  undertake  for  its  own  intrinsic  satisfy- 
ingness."  (114:  10.)  Protected,  protracted  work,  mental  and 
muscular,  is  a  product  of  modern  civilization  and  a  measure 
of  its  development.  Unprotected,  protracted  work,  chiefly 
muscular  was  the  basis  of  ancient  civilizations.  The  protection 
of  work  and  the  consequent  diffusion  of  leisure  are  character- 
istic of  modern  democratic  civilizations. 

The  conservation  of  labor  is  a  new  government  function 
that  the  state  has  been  forced  to  assume,  largely  because  of 
the  social  complications  arising  from  the  congestion  of  popu- 
lation in  great  cities,  and  the  encroachments  of  modern  in- 
dustrialism. It  has  grown  up  through  the  city.  At  first  it 
was  essentially  a  municipal  problem. 

Governmental  intervention  has  not  only  diffused  leisure, 
but  has  added  to  leisure  time.  A  shorter  labor  day,  and  child 
labor  regulations  have,  perhaps,  contributed  most  to  these 
changes.  Though  leisure  has  been  diffused  and  increased,  no 
institution  has  assumed  responsibility  for  its  utilization.  Pro- 
tection of  leisure  has  not  at  all  kept  pace  with  protection  of 


2  MUNIC1PALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

labor.  The  complicated  and  troublesome  social  situation  of 
the  city  has  forced  some  recognition  of  the  problem  of  public 
leisure  by  municipal  government. 

The  American  city  is  redeeming  itself.  "A  new  spirit 
pervades  the  city  of  today — a  spirit  of  hopefulness  and  genuine 
interest  in  the  common  welfare.  A  quarter  of  a  century  ago, 
and  less,  writers  were  deploring  the  failure  of  American  cities." 
(89:  1.)  In  1916,  Dr.  Munro  stated  that  American  cities  had 
made  more  progress  in  "clean  and  efficient  government"  dur- 
ing the  last  decade  than  in  the  half  century  preceding.  (72 :1) 
Dr.  Wood  reports  that  standards  of  living  and  health  in  the 
cities  have  risen  above  those  of  the  country ;  that  "rural  school 
children  are  less  healthy,  and  are  handicapped  by  more  physi- 
cal defects  than  children  of  the  city  schools,  including  all  the 
children  of  the  slums" ;  and,  that  for  the  years  1910-1915,  the 
general  death  rate  of  New  York  City  was  lower  than  the 
death  rate  of  rural  New  York  during  the  same  period.  (120: 
232-33.)  The  large  cities  have  more  effective  pure  food  laws, 
and  purer  water  than  rural  sections.  The  congestion  of  the 
heterogeneous  peoples  in  industrial  centers,  which  really  make 
the  American  cities,  has  forced  municipal  recognition  and 
solution,  or  attempted  solution,  of  these  and  many  other  re- 
lated social  problems. 

The  extension  of  the  functions  of  city  government  has 
been  rapid  and  important  during  the  last  half  century.  The 
municipalization  of  such  public  utilities  as  water,  sewers,  and 
light,  is  a  commonly  accepted  practice.  Some  provisions  for 
public  leisure  have  long  been  made  by  cities  through  the  or- 
dinary channels  of  government.  A  wide  extension  of  these 
provisions  has  been  made  in  many  cities  within  recent  years. 
However,  no  attempt  has  been  made  in  any  city  to  provide  and 
control  all  means  for  public  play  and  leisure. 

The  leisure  problem,  in  all  its  ramifications,  is  still  the 
menace  of  the  city.  Conservative  estimates  report  that  at 
least  eighty  per  cent  of  all  offenses  against  society  are  com- 
mitted during  leisure  time.  Slowly  the  cities  are  assuming 
responsibility  and  providing  facilities  for  the  care  of  public 
leisure.  As  home,  church,  vocation,  education,  government, 
has  each  built  up  around  itself  a  complex  of  customs,  regula- 
tions and  equipment  for  satisfying  human  wants  and  needs-T- 
in short,  an  institution — so  is  public  play  and  leisure  building 
about  itself  the  bulwark,  and  the  machinery  of  a  new  institu- 


INTRODUCTION  8 

tion,  which  may  be  called  Recreation,  or  Play  and  Recreation. 
Chiefly  through  the  government  of  cities  is  this  institution 
forming.  The  control  and  management  of  many  of  the  activities 
that  will  when  understood  and  organized  make  the  new  in- 
stitution, are  at  present  passing  over  into  the  recognized 
channels  of  city  government — are  being  municipalized.  The 
municipalization  of  these  activities  marks  the  beginning  of 
the  institutionalizing  of  them.  For  the  five  great  agencies  or 
institutions  of  civilization — the  church,  the  home,  the  school, 
the  vocation,  and  the  state — are  not  able,  either  individually  or 
collectively,  to  take  care  of  the  new  social  situation  introduced 
into  modern  civilization  by  the  development  of  these  activities. 
Just  as  education  as  an  institution  has  grown  out  of  and 
through  the  home,  the  church,  and  the  state,  so  is  recreation 
as  an  institution  growing  out  of  and  through  all  the  other  in- 
stitutions. The  municipality  is  recreation's  most  rapid  growing 
point  at  present. 

The  five  major  institutions  of  civilization  are  not  five  tight 
compartments  into  which  the  elements  of  civilization  may  be 
placed,  all  of  each  element  in  one  compartment.  The  school 
does  not  provide  all  education.  The  municipalities  will  not 
provide  for  all  recreation.  The  other  agencies  will  continue 
to  provide  play  and  recreation  facilities.  The  municipality, 
and  finally  the  institution,  Recreation,  will  provide  and  con- 
trol all  public  play  and  recreation  facilities,  and  will  at- 
tempt to  eliminate  all  that  are  unwholesome,  whether  public 
or  not,  and  will  build  up  a  developmental  community  system 
of  public  play  and  recreation.  It  is  the  purpose  of  the  following 
chapters  to  show  that  such  an  institution,  with  powers  and 
ideals  as  above  stated,  is  in  process  of  formation  in  the  cities 
of  the  United  States. 

All  relief  from  work  is  not  play  or  recreation.  Play  and 
recreation  are  not  all  of  leisure,  neither  are  they  all  leisure. 
Hard  and  fast  lines  have  not  been  drawn  between  leisure  and 
work ;  nor  between  work  and  play ;  nor  between  play  and  rec- 
reation; nor  between  recreation  and  dissipation.  The  fact 
of  play  is  best  exemplified  in  the  unrestrained,  spontaneous 
activities  of  children.  We  recognize  the  play  of  children  when 
we  see  it,  and  we  recognize  the  feeling  of  play  in  ourselves 
when  we  experience  it.  The  origin  and  significance  of  play  are 
not  so  evident.  No  attempt  will  be  made  here  to  enter  into 
a  discussion  of  the  theories  of  the  origin  of  the  tendency  to 


4  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

play.  Play  is  a  normal  activity  of  the  child,  and  its  free  ex- 
ercise is  necessary  for  complete  development.  Recreation  in 
some  form  is  necessary  for  normal  adult  life.  The  term,  play, 
includes  the  free  activities  of  children,  and  the  pleasurable 
activities  of  children  and  adults  that  are  not  included  in  work 
or  recreation.  Play  may  exhaust  child  energy  as  work  does 
adult  energy.  Recreation,  so-called,  may  dissipate  adult  en- 
ergy, and  break  down  character. 

Recreation  is  a  re-creating — a  refreshing  and  recuperating 
of  the  energies  of  mind  and  body  after  work.  John  Dewey  is 
right  when  he  says  of  recreation:  "No  demand  of  nature  is 
more  urgent  or  less  to  be  escaped.  The  idea  that  the  need  can 
be  suppressed  is  absolutely  fallacious  and  the  Puritanic  tra- 
dition which  disallows  the  need  has  entailed  an  enormous  crop 
of  evils."  (26:  241-42.) 

Some  work  is  really  not  work  for  all  who  perform  it. 
"Whatever  one  does  for  the  pure  love  of  it,  that  is  play." 
(28a:  164.)  The  mental  attitude  of  the  worker  largely 
determines  for  him  whether  the  activity  is  work  or  play. 
This  mental  attitude  is  governed,  in  a  great  measure,  by 
environment.  Again,  the  words  of  Dewey  are  fitting.  He  says : 
"In  their  intrinsic  meaning,  play  and  industry  are  by  no  means 
so  antithetical  to  one  another  as  is  often  assumed,  any  sharp 
contrast  being  due  to  undesirable  social  conditions."  (26 :  237.) 
Work  done  as  play  is  not  true  recreation.  Play  and  recreation 
may  on  account  of  misdirection,  overstimulation,  and  excess 
become  forms  of  dissipation.  These  chapters  deal  with  public 
forms  of  play  and  recreation  in  cities  of  the  United  States. 

Though  play  may  be  creation  as  well  as  recreation,  and 
leisure  may  be  neither,  to  avoid  repetition,  the  terms  are  often 
used  interchangeably  throughout  this  discussion.  The  insti- 
tution, comparable  in  importance  to  the  home  and  the  school, 
which  it  is  contended  is  now  in  process  of  formation,  is  called 
Recreation. 


CHAPTER  II 

Active  Recognition  of  the  Social  Value  of  Play  and  Recreation 

With  primitive  man  play  and  recreation  were  not  sep- 
arated as  distinct  parts  of  his  activities.  He  probably  played 
at  his  work  or  worked  at  his  play  indifferently.  Recreation 
was  fortuitous.  There  were  no  rules  outside  of  his  own  de- 
sires and  needs  except  those  fixed  by  nature's  limitations. 

The  problem  of  play  and  recreation  has  grown  out  of  civil- 
ization. The  civilized  adult  plays  and  requires  recreation,  be- 
cause the  social  requirements  of  a  complicated  civilization 
compel  him  to  work  at  stated  intervals,  and  usually  at  definite 
narrow  tasks.  Social  organization  fixes  his  periods  of  leisure, 
but  does  little  toward  conserving  and  caring  for  them.  Chil- 
dren at  present  play  for  the  same  reasons  that  they  have  al- 
ways played,  but  usually  with  civilization's  handicaps.  Proper 
facilities  are  often  wanting,  and  free  periods  are  interfered 
with  by  institutions  that  are  over-zealous  to  make  adults  of 
them,  or  monetary  profit  from  them. 

The  development  of  democracy  has  increased  the  margin 
of  leisure.  Probably,  a  larger  proportion  of  the  population  of 
the  United  States  has  longer  and  more  frequent  periods  of 
play  and  recreation,  than  have  ever  before  been  so  used  by  any 
highly  civilized  people.  It  is  the  need  of  the  conservation  and 
the  protection  of  this  increased  margin  that  makes  the  recrea- 
tion problem.  External  pressure  or  coercion  may  make  an 
activity,  though  short  in  duration,  drudgery  and  fatiguing.  This 
tends  to  pervert  nature's  demands  for  relaxation,  and  dis- 
sipation may  follow.  (26:  240.)  Machines,  excessive  special- 
ization, vocational  misfits,  and  the  efficiency  drive  of  indus- 
trialism, augment  this  tendency.  If  there  is  little  or  no  self 
expression  in  work  there  is  not  natural  self  expression  in  lei- 
sure. When  external  pressure  is  removed,  there  is  a  tendency 
to  go  too  far  in  the  opposite  direction,  and  the  liberty  of  lei- 
sure leads  to  self  indulgence — to  perverted  leisure,  to  dissipa- 
tion— before  the  balance  is  restored. 

Man  is  not  a  machine.  Cessation  from  regular  action  of 
work  is  not  followed  by  regular  inaction  of  rest,  which  is  of 
use  only  as  a  preparation  for  another  period  of  work.  This  re- 
lation between  work  and  rest  was  approximated  when  labor 


0 


6  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

was  a  slave's  lot,  and  the  laborer  was  pushed  to  the  limit  of 
physical  exhaustion  by  long  hours  and  heavy  work.  But  even 
a  horse,  after  the  hardest  day  in  the  fields,  will,  relieved  of 
his  harness  in  the  evening,  roll  with  evident  pleasure  on  the 
cool  grass  in  the  orchard  pasture,  and  afterwards  kick  up  his 
heels  in  play. 

The  conception  of  the  manual  laborer  as  a  work  machine, 
whose  sole  function  was  to  provide  means  for  the  existence  and 
enjoyment  of  a  leisure  class,  is  at  least  as  old  as  Greek  civili- 
zation. Today  there  is  unequal  distribution  of  leisure,  but 
leisure  is  so  distributed  in  the  United  States  that  some  of  it 
reaches  practically  all  laborers.  In  many  cases  it  is  the  prime 
motive  that  gives  the  urge  to  work.  In  such  cases,  man  endures 
that  he  may  enjoy,  and  the  quality  of  his  uncontrolled  enjoy- 
ment or  leisure  is  apt  to  be  governed  in  a  large  measure  by  the 
quality  of  his  work,  as  it  appeals  to  him. 
t  The  social  values  of  play  and  recreation  have  received  re- 
newed attention  in  recent  years  because  studies  of  environ- 
mental influences  with  reference  to  character  formation  have 
modified  somewhat  the  generally  accepted  notions  of  the  re- 
lative importance  of  heredity  and  environment.  The  fact  is 
being  more  and  more  fully  realized  that  environment  must 
provide  the  stimulus  and  opportunity  to  develop  fully  the  best 
inherited  traits,  and  that  wholesome  stimulating  environment 
may  counteract  untoward  hereditary  tendencies.  (64:  274.) 
The  careful  records  of  the  Glasgow  Municipal  Authorities  pro- 
vide a  striking  confirmation  of  the  newer  theories  of  heredity. 
Six  hundred  thirty  children  from  the  worst  possible  stock  and 
f romjmean  and  vile  surroundings,  were  taken  when  very  young 
from  that  city  and  were  sent,  at  the  expense  of  the  municipal- 
ity, to  the  country  to  be  reared  in  ordinary  homes.  For  years 
the  record  of  these  children  was  carefully  kept  and  only  twenty- 
three  of  the  number  went  wrong.  "A  smaller  number  than 
if  they  had  been  the  sons  of  ministers  or  professors,"  asserts 
the  Poor  Law  Inspector  of  Glasgow.  All  this  is  but  an  exempli- 
fication of  the  old  Scotch  educational  maxim : 

"Thraw  the  willow  when  it's  green 
Between  three  and  thirteen." 

(1:  36  and  62:  208-13.)  In  general,  records  of  charitable 
institutions  show  that  about  85  per  cent  of  the  children  of 
ne'er-do-wells  and  criminals,  who  are  placed  in  good  homes 


ACTIVE  RECOGNITION  OF  RECREATION  7 

in  early  childhood,  develop  into  good  citizens.  Juvenile  de- 
linquency was  decreased  nearly  fifty  per  cent  in  the  Stock 
Yards  district  of  Chicago  by  the  introduction  of  public  play- 
grounds. (71:  370.)  There  is  strong  evidence  that  juvenile 
delinquency  is  about  one-third  a  eugenic  and  two-thirds  a 
euthenic  problem. 

Lombroso  says  that  where  manufacturing  crowds  agri- 
culture, and  still  more  where  it  displaces  it,  the  number 
of  crimes  increases  immediately.  (687  130-32.)  In  the 
United  States  from  1850  to  1900,  the  percentage  of  urban  pop- 
ulation (8,000  and  up)  increased  from  12.5  per  cent  to  33.1 
per  cent.  From  1880  to  1900  the  urban  population  (2,500  and 
up)  rose  from  29.5  per  cent  to  46.3  per  cent.  The  1920  census 
gives  the  urban  population  (2,500  and  up)  as  51.9  per  cent  of 
the  whole  population  of  the  United  States.  Almost  one-tenth 
of  the  people  live  in  New  York  City,  Philadelphia  and  Chicago ; 
more  than  one-fourth  live  in  68  cities,  each  having  a  population 
of  100,000  or  more.  Kellicott  states  that  prisoners  per  100,000 
population  increased  during  the  years  1850  t'o  1904  from  29  to 
125 ;  and  that  murders  and  homicides  per  million  of  the  entire 
population  nearly  trebled  from  1896  to  1911;  also  that  the 
ratio  of  known  insane  to  total  population  rose  from  183  per 
100,000  in  1880  to  225  per  100,000  in  1903.  He  shows  also 
that  there  was  during  these  periods  a  rapid  increase  in  de- 
fectives and  unfit  generally.  (63:  29-J53.)  There  is  no  impli- 
cation here  that  crime  and  social  degeneracy  are  the  results  of 
the  rapid  growth  of  cities.  However,  the  environmental 
changes  have  come  so  quickly  that  society  has  not  been  able  to 
adjust  itself.  The  heavy  heterogeneous  immigration  during 
the  periods  considered  has  complicated  the  situation,  for  as 
D.  F.  Wilcox  puts  it  in  his  "fereat  Cities  in  America,"  "every 
American  city  is,  in  its  population  elements,  a  world  city." 
(118:  9.)  The  influx  of  millions  of  foreigners  from  all  parts  of 
the  world,  who  came  into  a  strange  and  unusual  social  envi- 
ronment, has  added  to  the  confusion  of  the  rapid  urbanization, 
which  was  not  at  all  understood  by  the  native  population.  The 
large  foreign  element  in  a  new  environment,  and  the  Americans 
themselves  in  a  changing  and  mysterious  environment,  created 
a  unique  social  problem,  the  solution  of  which  is  yet  to  be 
found.  The  problem  seems  to  be  largely  one  of  environment. 
The  essential  nature  of  the  peoples  involved  has  not  changed 
much  in  a  half  century.  What  people  do,  has  changed.  The  en- 


8  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

vironment  has  changed  most.  Probably  least  effort  has  been 
expended  in  attempting  to  control  the  influences  that  play  upon 
life  continually.  Heredity,  function,  and  environment  are  all 
the  factors  of  life  that  are  known.  They  are  the  determining 
factors.  (113:  3.)  The  labor  problem,  in  its  productive  and 
financial  aspects,  is  more  on  the  public  mind  than  eugenics, 
and  eugenics  until  quite  recently  probably  received  more  scien- 
tific and  popular  attention  than  euthenics. 

"Play  is  the  most  universal  activity  in  the  world."  (85: 
/  110.)  Recreation  is  an  essential  human  need.  They  are  both 
necessary  to  complete  development  and  full  efficiency.  They 
know  no  race  or  nationality.  Provision  for  their  proper  de- 
velopmental exercise  is  an  important  part  of  the  problem  of 
euthenics,  especially  in  the  modern  city. 

One  cannot  imagine  a  social  situation  in  which  play  and 
recreation  are  not,  at  least  in  part,  cared  for  by  the  home. 
There  is  a  tendency  among  social  reformers  to  minimize  the 
home  or  almost  neglect  its  influence,  with  reference  to  certain 
social  problems.  Certainly  social  changes  and  conditions  with- 
in recent  years  have  taken  many  play  and  recreation  activities 
from  the  home. 

Formal  education  has  at  last  recognized  the  significance 
of  developmental  play  and  recreation  in  child  and  youth  train- 
ing, and  many  of  the  former  home  activities  in  these  lines 
have  been  transferred  to  the  school,  and  utilized  as  educational 
1 1  material. 

The  church  is  beginning  to  utilize  play  and  recreation  as 
j!  aids  in  religious  development  and  training.  Industrialism,  rec- 
ognizing the  commercial  and  moral  dangers  of  restoring  the 
balance  when  released  from  monotonous  work,  often  provides 
means  of  play  and  recreation  for  employees.  Both  of  these 
agencies  have  detracted  from  the  home's  play  and  recreation 
strength. 

Private  enterprise  has  been  left  virtually  free  to  exploit 
nature's  need  of  play  and  recreation,  so  commercialization  is 
the  characteristic  and  most  common  means  of  providing  for 
these  activities  outside  of  the  home. 

At  the  National  Education  Association,  in  1902,  in  dis- 
cussing "The  School  as  a  Social  Center,"  John  Dewey  said: 
"I  believe  that  there  is  no  force  more  likely  to  count  in  the 
general  reform  of  social  conditions  than  the  practical  recog- 
nition that  in  recreation  there  is  a  positive  moral  influence 


ACTIVE  RECOGNITION  OF  RECREATION  9 

which  it  is  the  duty  of  the  community  to  take  hold  of  and 
direct."  (27:381-2.) 

In  1906,  the  Playground  and  Recreation  Association  of 
America  was  organized  at  Washington,  District  of  Columbia. 
It  was  at  first  called  a  playground  association,  and  its  inter- 
ests were  almost  entirely  with  playground  development.  The 
first  annual  Playground  Congress  met  at  Chicago,  in  1907. 
There  were  two  hundred  delegates  present  from  thirty  cities. 
The  proceedings  of  this  congress  are  published  in  a  ninety- 
five  page  volume.  The  proceedings  of  the  second  congress 
fill  a  volume  of  four  hundred  fifty-six  pages.  A  conference 
of  city  officials  was  a  feature  of  the  second  meeting.  In  Octo- 
ber, 1916,  the  eighth  session  of  the  association,  called  the 
National  Recreation  Congress,  met  at  Grand  Rapids,  Michigan. 
There  were  present  over  seven  hundred  delegates  from  one 
hundred  seventy-eight  towns  and  cities.  There  were  eighty 
persons  on  the  program.  Information  concerning  the  work 
of  the  congress  was  sent  to  a  selected  list  of  22,000  persons. 

Zueblin  in  his  "American  Municipal  Progress"  states  that 
a  playground  was  established  in  Brookline,  Massachusetts,  in 
1872.  (124:  297.)  Rainwater  in  his  "The  Play  Movement  in 
the  United  States,"  after  characterizing  the  "play  movement" 
>as  a  movement  that  "seeks  to  bring  about  adjustments  through 
the  organization  of  social  activities,"  concludes  that  the  move- 
ment began  in  the  United  States  "with  the  sand  piles  of  Boston 
in  1885."  (89a:  11  and  27.)  By  1900  ten  cities  had  established 
playgrounds.  From  1900  to  1906,  twenty-six  cities  recognized 
recreational  needs  in  the  same  way.  (122a:  485.)  The  1916 
Year  Book  of  the  Playground  and  Recreation  Association  of 
America  shows  that  during  1915  there  was  playground  and 
recreation  work,  regularly  conducted  under  paid  supervision, 
in  3,294  playground  and  recreation  centers  of  432  American 
cities.  During  July  and  August,  1915,  the  total  Average  daily 
attendance  at  these  centers  was  almost  one  million.  (122:  383- 
386.)  H.  S.  Curtis  states  that  the  city  of  Chicago,  in  1904, 
through  the  Metropolitan  Parks  Commission,  issued  the  first 
municipal  playground  plan  in  the  United  States.  (21 :  496.) 

The  Index  of  the  Reports  of  the  National  Education  Asso- 
ciation for  the  first  fifty  years  of  its  existence,  1857-1906, 
lists  five  topics  on  the  various  phases  of  play.  These  five  topics 
cover  thirty  pages  of  the  reports  from  1898  to  1906,  inclusive. 
The  topic,  "Playgrounds  for  the  Poor  in  the  Cities  of  Eng- 


10  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

land,"  fills  five  pages  of  the  report  for  1893.  (74:  148.)  The 
index  of  the  reports  for  the  half  century  have  no  other  mention 
of  playgrounds.  Two  articles,  one  in  1901,  and  one  in  1902, 
deal  specifically  with  the  public  school  as  a  social  center. 
(74:  177.)  At  present  an  equipped  supervised  playground  is 
a  recognized  part  of  a  complete  school.  Schools,  colleges,  and 
universities  through  their  playgrounds,  athletic  fields,  gymna- 
siums, stadiums,  competetive  games,  and  various  organiza- 
tions for  caring  for  student  life  outside  of  regular  classrooms, 
recognize  the  seriousness  of  the  leisure  time  problem.  Phys- 
ical education  is  secondary  in  these  various  activities. 

The  school  house  is  in  many  places  becoming  a  real  social 
center,  though  the  movement  as  we  now  know  it  began  no 
farther  back  than  1907.  The  complexity  and  variety  of  activ- 
ities that  are  grouped  around  the  social  center,  or  as  it  is  now 
styled,  the  community  center  movement,  are  shown  in  C.  A. 
Perry's  handbook,  "Community  Center  Activities."  (87.) 

The  nation-wide  diffusion  of  the  community  center  idea 
has  resulted  in  the  organization  of  a  National  Community 
Center  Association,  which  held  its  first  conference  at  New  York 
City  in  1916,  and  its  second  conference  at  Chicago  in  April, 
1917.  At  the  second  conference  there  were  present  nearly  five 
hundred  registered  delegates  representing  twenty-six  states. 
(20:  12-14.)  "The  Community  Center"  was  originally  a 
monthly  magazine  issued  by  the  association,  "Published  in  the 
interest  of  Community  Centers  everywhere."  The  first  official 
number  appeared  in  June,  1917.  (20.)  At  present  "The  Com- 
munity Center"  is  published  bi-monthly  by  The  National  Com- 
munity Center  Association,  New  York  City.  It  calls  itself 
"A  news  and  discussion  organ  for  all  who  are  endeavoring  to 
enrich  life  through  community  action."  A  wide  range  of  activ- 
ities is  fostered  by  this  association.  Many  of  them  are  entirely 
recreational.  Though  the  recreation  problem  is  not  the  whole 
problem  of  the  community  center,  it  is  a  large  part  of  it.  "The 
community  center  seeks  to  provide  opportunities  for  the  peo- 
ple to  know  how  to  live."  (99:  15.)  To  do  that  recreation 
must  be  cared  for. 

Community  Service,  Incorporated,  which  grew  out  of 
War  Camp  Community  Service,  an  organization  approved  by 
the  federal  government  during  the  World  War,  states  in  its 
charter  that  its  object  is,  "the  development  in  all  American 
cities,  through  public  and  private  agencies  and  by  every 


ACTIVE  RECOGNITION  OP  RECREATION  11 

appropriate  means,  of  better  moral  and  industrial  con- 
ditions, health  and  welfare,  play  and  recreation,  higher  and 
more  adequate  community  and  neighborhood  expression,  and 
a  better  social  life."  (2a :  402.) 

In  1894,  the  National  Municipal  League  was  organized  for 
the  purpose  of  bringing  about  much  needed  reforms  in  the  gov- 
ernment of  American  cities.  In  1899,  this  league  adopted  a 
reform  program  called  the  Municipal  Program.  Parks  and 
playgrounds  were  merely  named  among  the  attainable  means 
by  which  a  city  should  serve  its  citizens.  (119:  225-26.)  This 
is  an  early  and  an  important  theoretical  recognition  of  the 
city's  responsibility  for  providing  for  public  leisure. 

Interest  in  all  phases  of  city  government  has  increased 
rapidly  in  the  last  twenty-five  years.  Twenty-five  years  ago 
not  more  than  three  or  four  of  the  largest  universities  and  col- 
leges of  the  United  States  gave  separate  courses  in  municipal 
government.  In  1908,  such  courses  were  offered  in  forty-six 
institutions;  in  1912,  in  sixty-four;  and  in  1916,  in  ninety-five. 
(72a:  565-573.)  Knight  and  Williams  in  their  "Sources  of 
Information  on  Play  and  Recreation,"  1920,  list  sixty  univer- 
sities, colleges,  and  normal  schools  in  the  United  States  that 
offer  both  regular  and  summer  courses  for  recreation  and  com- 
munity leaders.  (65a:  39-41.)  "The  Cardinal  Principles  of 
Secondary  Education"  issued  by  a  committee  of  the  National 
Education  Association  in  1916,  places  "The  worthy  use  of  lei- 
sure" as  one  of  the  seven  objectives  in  education.  The  rapid 
spread  of  the  commission  form  of  city  government,  and  the 
city-manager  plan,  and  the  general  tendency  towards  home 
rule  for  cities,  mark  great  steps  toward  the  recognition  of 
local  needs  in  all  lines  of  municipal  government. 

At  the  nineteenth  annual  convention  of  the  League  of 
American  Municipalities,  at  New  Orleans,  in  1915,  "Leisure 
Time — The  Municipality's  Responsibility,"  was  an  important 
topic  of  discussion,  opened  by  the  Superintendent  of  the  Recrea- 
tion Commission  of  Detroit.  (60:  19-24.)  Many  cities  have, 
like  Detroit,  officially  assumed  at  least  part  of  this  responsi- 
bility, in  a  more  active  way  than  by  providing  a  few  dignified 
display  parks,  libraries,  and  scientific  museums. 

Recent  state  laws  are  in  many  cases  more  or  less  manda- 
tory. The  Massachusetts  law  of  1912,  provides  that  every 
town  in  the  state  having  a  population  of  more  than  5,000,  must 
at  the  request  of  ten  per  cent  of  the  voters  submit  the  question 


12  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

of  providing  public  playgrounds  to  the  voters  at  the  next  town 
election.  If  a  majority  of  the  voters  favors  such  provision,  the 
town  must  "provide  and  thereafter  maintain  at  least  one  public 
playground  conveniently  located  and  of  such  suitable  size  and 
equipment  for  the  recreation  and  physical  education  of  the 
minors  of  the  town."  (48 :  36-37.)  This  law  has  been  accepted 
by  scores  of  towns  of  Massachusetts.  Several  states  have  with- 
in the  last  few  years  passed  laws  permitting  cities  and  towns 
to  acquire  land  and  to  establish  play  and  recreation  centers, 
which  are  managed  by  recreation  commissions  or  boards  cre- 
ated by  the  cities.  (2a:  416)  The  permissive  state  legisla- 
tion concerning  recreation  is  in  many  respects  similar  to  that 
which  took  place  in  the  development  and  establishment  of 
public,  tax-supported  education. 

The  federal  government  through  its  national  parks,  its 
forest  and  game  reserves,  and  its  monuments,  has  provided 
some  means  for  recreation  for  some  of  the  people.  Several 
states  have  established  state  parks  for  the  same  purpose.  (81.) 
These  facilities  can  be  used  only  by  a  very  small  proportion 
of  the  people  of  the  nation  or  of  the  states.  Federal  recognition 
of  the  necessity  of  caring  for  the  recreational  needs  of  the 
soldiers  and  sailors,  is  one  of  the  outstanding  social  facts  of 
the  World  War.  Experience  in  meeting  these  needs  is  espe- 
cially valuable  in  aiding  municipalities  in  solving  their  recre- 
ational problems. 

The  municipality,  of  all  governmental  agencies,  is  the 
only  one  that  has  to  any  great  extent  seriously  attempted  to 
provide  and  control  play  and  recreation  facilities  available  for 
all  its  people.  The  dependence  of  the  city  upon  the  state  has 
sometimes  stood  in  the  way  of  progressive  city  government. 
The  fact  must  be  kept  in  mind,  however,  that  no  city  has  at- 
tempted to  provide  and  control  all  public  play  and  recreation, 
as  it  provides  and  controls  public  education.  There  is  no  com- 
plete system  of  municipalized  play  and  recreation  in  the  United 
States. 

The  Social  Survey  Bulletin  of  the  Russell  Sage  Foundation 
Library  for  December,  1915,  lists  special  recreation  surveys 
of  fifteen  cities  of  the  United  States.  The  earliest  was  made  in 
1912.  (14:  No.  9.)  Scores  of  surveys  made  in  the  last  ten 
years  have  dealt  in  part  with  various  aspects  of  recreation. 
(14.)  In  1914,  the  report  of  the  "Recreational  Inquiry  Com- 
mittee of  the  State  of  California"  was  published  by  the  state. 


ACTIVE  RECOGNITION  OF  RECREATION  13 

This  committee  was  appointed  by  authority  of  the  state  legis- 
lature. (97.)  This  survey  is  a  study  of  all  phases  of  recre- 
ation in  the  state,  together  with  recommendations  for  meeting 
more  fully  the  recreational  needs  of  the  people. 

Most  of  the  numerous  city  planning  commissions  of  recent 
years  have  given  careful  attention  to  the  development  of  the 
recreational  facilities  of  the  communities  studied.  "A  Public 
Recreation  System  for  Newark,"  is  the  title  of  a  special  re- 
port issued  in  1915,  by  the  city  plan  commission  of  Newark, 
New  Jersey.  The  commission  describes  it  as  "a  brief  review, 
from  the  city-planning  standpoint,  of  the  value  of  a  compre- 
hensive system  of  public  recreation."  (17:  1.)  This  com- 
mission also  says,  "Ample  recreation  facilities  properly  con- 
trolled are  absolutely  essential  to  the  making  of  a  healthy, 
law-abiding  and  efficient  city."  (17:  3.)  The  unpublished  re- 
port of  the  Municipal  Plans  Commission  of  the  city  of  Lincoln, 
Nebraska,  first  appointed  in  1910,  devoted  in  its  final  report, 
1914,  about  one-sixth  of  its  attention,  measured  by  pages,  to  a 
'  'Statement  Concerning  Playground  and  Recreation  Center 
Phases  of  the  Lincoln  Plan."  (94.)  Though  this  last  report 
has  not  resulted  in  any  concerted  movement  for  the  betterment 
of  recreational  conditions,  it  is  indicative  of  public  interest  in 
that  direction. 

Community  buildings,  chiefly  for  recreation  purposes,  built 
with  public  or  partly  public  funds,  or  by  philanthropic  and  re- 
ligious organizations,  are  springing  up  in  all  parts  of  the 
country.  In  several  states  community  buildings  as  war  me- 
morials are  authorized  by  law. 

In  almost  every  community,  the  press,  religious,  social 
and  philanthropic  organizations,  and  people  who  work  for  the 
betterment  of  human  living,  are  giving  some  attention  to  the 
improvement  of  some  form  of  public  recreation.  There  is  gen- 
eral recognition  of  the  problem  as  an  all-year  one,  and  that 
it  applies  to  individuals  of  all  ages. 

A  study  of  the  bibliographies  of  play  and  recreation  dis- 
closes the  fact  that  the  problem  is  being  approached  from 
various  angles  by  social  workers,  sociologists  and  educators 
as  well  as  by  the  states,  cities,  and  public  and  private  corpora- 
tions. (124:  463-95;  14;  58:  170-184;  74;  49;  65a;  89a:  356- 
65.)  A  number  of  magazines  such  as  "The  Survey,"  and  "The 
American  City,"  give  special  attention  to  the  discussion  of  pub- 


14  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

lie  recreation  problems.  "The  Playground"  is  the  organ  of  the 
Playground  and  Recreation  Association  of  America. 

Industrialism  has  discovered  the  monetary  value  of  recre- 
ation. The  recognition  of  this  value,  mingled  with  the  desire 
to  help  people  to  live  better,  has  led  the  management  of  many 
industrial  establishments  to  provide  wholesome  leisure  time 
facilities  for  their  employees.  Henderson  in  "Citizens  in  In- 
dustry" lists  eighty-two  cities  in  the  United  States  in  which 
one  or  more  industrial  establishments  carry  on  important  wel- 
fare work  among  their  employees.  He  gives  this  as  an  incom- 
plete list.  (51:  316-22.)  It  is  sufficient,  however,  to  show  the 
prevalence  of  industrial  belief  in  the  efficacy  pf  proper  recrea- 
tion. These  cities  are  distributed  throughout  the  nation. 

This  sketch  of  the  development  and  growth  of  public  and 
governmental  interest  in  play  and  recreation  may,  perhaps, 
help  picture  the  immensity  and  complexity  of  the  problems 
involved.  The  facts  here  given  show  that  there  is  in  the 
United  States  an  active  recognition  of  the  social  values  of  play 
and  recreation,  and  that  there  is  a  decided  tendency  to  utilize 
these  values  for  the  individual,  and  for  the  social  group.  In 
the  cities  this  tendency  is  more  pronounced. 


CHAPTER  III 

Factors  Forcing  Public  Recognition  of  Play  and  Recreation 

The  recent  recognition  of  the  value  of  play  and  recrea- 
tion as  a  definite  and  an  important  factor  of  the  social  prob- 
lem has  been  shown  in  the  preceding  chapter. 

Play  and  recreation  have  usually  been  considered  as  use- 
less and  troublesome,  but  unavoidable  residua  of  work,  or  as 
a  preparation  for  work.  Partial  conception  of  their  signifi- 
cance and  full  conception  of  the  need  of  something,  have  re- 
sulted in  sporadic  and  in  many  cases  questionable  and  unde- 
velopmental  means  of  providing  for  these  activities. 

The  failure  to  recognize  play  and  recreation  as  funda- 
mental and  essential  human  activities,  which  should  be  cared 
for  by  a  definite  institution  on  a  level  with  the  other  great 
institutions  of  civilization,  has  caused  much  confusion  of 
methods  and  means,  and  much  waste  of  human  effort. 

In  this  chapter  an  attempt  is  made  to  enumerate  and 
discuss  briefly  some  of  the  factors  that  are  silently  but  force- 
fully making  play  and  recreation  matters  of  deepest  public 
concern. 

Cities  seem  to  be  the  real  growing  points  of  our  civiliza- 
tion. They  are  the  most  favorable  fields  for  the  consideration 
of  these  problems.  In  fact,  recent  active  recognition  of  the 
social  values  of  play  and  recreation  and  the  tendency  of  cities 
to  assume  the  responsibility  of  providing  for  and  directing 
these  activities,  point  toward  the  municipal  recognition  and 
establishment  of  a  new  institution,  which  will  be  comparable 
in  its  universality  to  the  public  school,  and  which  may  finally 
lead  to  the  nationalizing  of  play  and  recreation  as  an  insti- 
tution. 

Why  are  play  and  recreation  at  present  of  such  pressing  i 
public  concern?    These  are  times  of  social  unrest — of  world 
stress.    The  problem  of  relaxation  is  a  world  problem.    Whole-  j 
some  play  was  never  more  needed  than  at  present.     Wars  J 
seem  to  be  a  necessary  means  of  relieving  public  stress.    Per- 
haps, inventions,  increase  and  pursuit  of  wealth  and  freedom, 
have  taken  man  too  rapidly  away  from  old  racial  ways  of 
doing  and  thinking.     Intense  mental  and  muscular  applica- 


16  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

tion  finds  relief  in  the  return  to  activities  which  use  tracts 
that  are  old  racially,  and  therefore  satisfying  in  exercise. 
(86:  49  ff.)  The  complications  and  requirements  of  civiliza- 
tion have  resulted  in  many  perverted  forms  of  these  rever- 
sions. Original  tendencies  and  instincts  necessary  for  the 
preservation,  and  complete  development  of  human  beings  are 
exploited,  perhaps  as  never  before  in  the  world's  history. 
Democracy  in  its  leveling  process  seems  to  be  increasing  leisure 
time,  without  adequately  providing  for  its  conservation.  The 
social  sex  dance  is  an  example.  Dr.  G.  Stanley  Hall  calls 
the  dance  of  the  modern  ball-room  "a  degenerate  relict." 
(46:  90.)  All  savages  dance.  Dancing  has  played  an  im- 
uportant  part  in  the  training  of  the  race.  We  know  the  value 
flof  the  folk  dance,  of  child  dancing  and  of  national  dances. 
(/The  early  Christian  bishops  led  the  sacred  dance  around  the 
altar.  (46:  89.)  According  to  some  of  the  fathers  of  the 
early  church,  "the  angels  are  always  dancing,  and  the  glor- 
ious company  of  the  apostles  is  really  a  chorus  of  dancers/' 
(106:  800.) 

A  monstrous  perversion  of  the  dance,  called  the  "pros- 
perity crawl,"  practiced  in  the  winter  of  1916-17,  in  the  ultra- 
fashionable  restaurants  of  New  York  City,  is  described  by  a 
newspaper  reporter  as  follows :  "On  a  little  floor  into  which 
a  subway  guard  wouldn't  try  to  squeeze  more  than  three 
dozen  couples,  six  dozen  cram  themselves  and  try  to  dance. 
Six  dozen  couples,  filled  with  food,  booze,  and  a  determina- 
tion to  be  joyful,  though  the  hour  is  after  midnight,  and  the 
air  is  thick  enough  for  flying,  make  a  wonderful  spectacle 
of  themselves.  Most  of  the  dancing  they  do  is  in  their  minds. 
If  they  move  their  legs,  someone  ^else's  leg  intervenes.  On 
the  least  crowded  nights  it  is  possible  to  dance  a  little  (hori- 
zontally for  the  most  part)  and  that  is  where  the  crawl  comes 
in.  From  the  surrounding  tables  the  picture  is  like  nothing 
so  much  as  a  can  of  sardines  seeking  to  express  its  soul,  or 
a  bucket  full  of  yeast  just  going  to  work."  (4.)  This  is  a 
ridiculous  exaggeration.  However,  there  is  a  decided  tendency 
towards  excess  and  degeneracy  in  niost  social  dances. 

Much  crime  and  most  juvenile  delinquency  are  undoubt- 
edly the  results  of  perverted  play  and  recreation.     (59:  307.) 
artificial  environment  of  the  modern  city  prevents  nor- 
il  instinctive  development.    Life  means  action.    Unless  pro- 


FACTORS  FORCING  RECOGNITION  17 

vided  for  and  directed,  this  activity  is  apt  to  run  off  into  hurt- 
ful excesses  and  perverted  forms.  It  seems  that  man  has 
always  preyed  upon  man  more  or  less.  Civilization  seems  to 
have  changed  the  forms  only.  Government  at  its  best  tries 
to  prevent  it. 

This  is  an  age  of  almost  painfully  awakened  social  con- 
sciousness. People  have  never  before  known  so  much  about 
one  another  as  they  know  now.  The  social  problem,  as  defined 
by  Charles  A.  Ellwood,  is  very  simple  in  its  statement.  Pro- 
fessor Ellwood  says,  "Some  of  us  at  least,  are  beginning  to 
perceive  that  the  social  problem  is  now,  what  it  has  been  in 
all  ages,  namely,  the  problem  of  the  relation  of  men  to  one 
another.  It  is  the  problem  of  human  living  together/'  (30: 
13.)  The  increasing  complexity  "of  human  living  together"  is 
characteristic  of  this  age.  In  the  United  States,  a  heterogen- 
eous people  makes  the  situation  especially  aggravating.  The 
control  and  the  conservation  of  play  and  recreation,  stands 
out  as  one  of  the  important,  unsolved  and  difficult  factors  of 
the  social  problem.  It  is  not  because  of  its  newness  that  the 
recreation  question  is  now  attracting  public  attention.  Civi- 
lized peoples  have  always  worked  and  rested  from  work.  In 
fact,  with  the  race,  play,  probably  in  order  of  time,  came  be- 
fore work. 

Congestion  of  population  tends  to  make  the  problem  of 
leisure  acute.  Whether  or  not  we  hold  with  Lombroso  that 
"the  very  congestion  of  population  itself  gives  an  irresistible 
impulse  toward  crime  and  immorality,"  (68:  53.)  we  must 
admit  that  congestion  does  in  every  way  complicate  the  social 
problem.  Statistics  prove  that  most  crimes  increase  with 
density.  (68:  Chapter  V,  and  8:  61-109.)  Dr.  Reeder  states 
that  out  of  130,000  children  in  the  reformatories  of  the  United 
States,  98  per  cent  come  from  cities,  towns  and  villages.  He 
says,  "The  delinquent  child  of  today  is  the  product  of  city 
and  town  life."  (91:160.) 

Excessive  urbanization  has  been  called  a  deadly  disease. 
It  is  said  to  have  killed  the  Roman  Empire.  We  have  greater 
resisting  power  than  had  Rome ;  but  the  disease  is  essentially 
the  same.  (32:  78-81.)  In  1787,  Jefferson  predicted  danger 
and  corruption  for  America  with  the  development  of  large 
cities.  (61.) 

Closely  related  to  the  problem  of  congestion  is  that  of 


18  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

the  passing  of  the  owned  home  and  the  coming  of  the  tene- 
ment, the  apartment  house,  and  the  family  hotel.  In  1910, 
of  the  fifty  cities  of  100,000  or  more,  Spokane,  Washington, 
was  the  only  one  in  which  less  than  one-half  of  all  homes  were 
rented.  In  thirty-nine  of  these  fifty  cities  fully  three-fourths 
of  the  homes  were  rented;  and  in  sixteen,  more  than  three- 
fourths.  In  five  of  them  more  than  four-fifths  were  rented. 
In  New  York  City  as  a  whole,  88.3  per  cent  of  all  homes  were 
rented;  in  Manhattan  only  2.9  per  cent  were  owned.  (Ill: 
1295-1314.) 

A  dwelling  house  is  defined  in  the  United  States  census, 
as  a  place  in  which  one  or  more  persons  regularly  sleep.  In 
the  United  States  as  a  whole,  in  1910,  there  were  in  urban 
communities,  5.9  persons  to  a  dwelling;  in  rural  communities, 
4.7  persons;  in  Chicago,  8.9;  in  New  York  City  as  a  whole, 
15.6;  in  Manhattan,  30.9.  (Ill:  1288.) 

The  1920  census  will  probably  show,  for  the  city  at  least, 
a  decrease  in  owned  homes,  and  a  large  increase  in  the  num- 
ber of  persons  to  a  dwelling.  In  recent  years,  there  has  been 
in  most  large  cities,  great  activity  in  the  erection  of  apart- 
ment houses  and  family  hotels.  In  1916,  twenty  apartment 
houses  were  built  in  Omaha,  valued  at  $910,000 ;  and  in  Lin- 
coln, twenty-two  valued  at  over  $800,000.  The  Lincoln  houses, 
built  in  1916,  have  a  capacity  of  two  hundred  eighty-two 
families,  and  were  rented  before  completion.  (9  and  78.) 

The  growth  of  family  hotels,  apartment  houses,  tenements 
and  flats,  means  yardless  homes,  and  in  most  cases,  a  handi- 
cap for  indoor  play  space  for  children.  In  1915,  there  were 
(  734,500  children  in  New  York  City  between  the  ages  of  five 
and  fourteen  who  had  no  outdoor  play  space  at  home.  (92: 
10.)  A  recreation  survey  of  Kansas  City  disclosed  the  fact 
that  in  fifty-four  residential  blocks,  selected  from  four  typi- 
cal sections  of  the  city,  but  seven  and  one-fourth  per  cent  of 
the  ground  space  privately  owned,  was  usable  for  play.  ( 102 : 
24.)  In  the  same  fifty-four  blocks  at  a  given  time  1,528 
children  were  observed  playing  outdoors,  and  71  per  cent  were 
on  the  streets  and  in  the  alleys.  (102:  19.)  Surveys  in  gen- 
eral show  that  more  than  thirty  per  cent  of  the  population  of 
\  cities  is  in  districts  where  there  is  absolutely  no  yard  space. 

A  rented,  yardless  and  gardenless  home  offers  little  to  hold 
the  children  or  the  adults  of  the  family,  in  the  way  of  play 


FACTORS  FORCING  RECOGNITION  19 

and  recreation.  "The  protection  and  care  of  a  piece  of  property 
makes  for  thoughtfulness  and  steadiness,  individualizes." 
(100:  89.)  The  home  just  described  offers  little  chance  for 
play,  for  recreation,  or  for  cultivating  an  avocation.  Such  a 
home  tends  to  become  "a  sleeping  box  and  eating  den — too 
often  no  more."  (24:  3.)  Congestion  and  the  impersonal 
industrial  system  seem  to  develop  the  impersonal  home. 

The  facts  substantiate  Woodrow  Wilson's  statement  that, 
"The  eight-hour  day  now  undoubtedly  has  the  sanction  of  the 
judgment  of  society  in  its  favor."  (44:  85-86.)  Eight  hours 
is  a  legal  work  day  in  public  employment  in  twenty-four  states 
and  in  all  federal  labor.  (44:  82.)  A  study  of  eighty-nine 
principal  trades  in  forty-eight  cities,  conducted  by  the  United 
States  Bureau  of  Labor  in  1914,  showed  a  gradual  shorten- 
ing of  the  labor  day  from  1907  to  1914.  (55.)  Many  large 
industrial  establishments  are  voluntarily  shortening  the  hours 
of  labor  of  their  employees.  (55  and  3.)  Reliable  authority 
affirms  that  over  100,000  laborers  were  put  on  an  eight-hour 
day  during  the  eighteen  months  ending  January,  1917. 
"Sooner  or  later  the  eight-hour  day  will  be  universal,"  many 
employers  are  quoted  as  saying.  (44:  85.)  In  1917,  at  a 
meeting  of  the  Building  Trades  Department  of  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor,  resolutions  were  introduced  suggesting 
a  six-hour  day  for  all  unions  of  building  mechanics,  as  a  solu- 
tion of  the  unemployment  problem.  (44:  85.)  During  the 
World  War,  W.  N.  Polakov  of  the  War  Shipping  Board 
asserted,  that  "if  America  seriously  sets  out  to  eliminate  all 
the  friction  in  her  industrial  system,  we  may  expect  a  four,  or 
perhaps  a  two  hour  day."  (88a:  209-10.)  In  many  indus- 
tries, especially  in  the  heated  season,  the  forty-eight  labor 
hours  per  week  are  reduced  to  forty-four  or  less.  Holidays 
and  half  holidays  are  becoming  more  and  more  common.  (3 : 
440-5.) 

Reduction  of  hours  of  labor  usually  means  increase  in 
hours  of  leisure.  Leisure,  unprotected  and  unprovided  for,  is 
apt  to  be  dangerous,  especially  for  those  whose  labor  is  monot- 
onous,  and  for  those  who  have  not  been  trained  to  clearly 
distinguish  between  recreation  and  dissipation.  There  is  wide 
difference  of  opinion,  and  variance  of  apparent  facts  with 
reference  to  the  last  statement.  W.  D.  Scott  says  that  em- 
ployers fear  the  effects  of  long  hours  of  freedom  from  toil 


20  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

and  that  one  of  the  problems  of  the  American  people  is  to 
train  up  the  rising  generation,  so  that  they  may  make  the  best 
use  of  the  increasing  hours  of  leisure.  (101:  219-20.)  An- 
other authority  asserts  that  shorter  hours  of  labor  and  in- 
creased wages  merely  give  depraved  men  and  women  new  op- 
portunities for  self  indulgence.  (62:  310.)  Josephine  Gold- 
mark  masses  the  facts  to  show  that  short  hours  of  labor  re- 
sult in  better  health  and  a  higher  moral  tone  of  the  workers. 
(42:  Part  I,  278-284,  and  Part  II,  286-290.)  Undoubtedly, 
under  proper  environment  more  leisure  would  be  beneficial. 
Under  present  urban  home  conditions  as  have  been  described, 
and  with  the  general  public  disregard  of  the  care  of  leisure, 
enlarged  leisure  certainly  carries  with  it  moral  danger. 

Children's  hours  of  labor  are  very  short,  or  are  reduced 
to  none  at  all.  Their  hours  of  play  are  long  and  usually  un- 
cared  for.  Public  play  is  not  generally  considered  a  public 
responsibility,  so  play  as  well  as  leisure  is  exploited.  As  the 
child  labor  problem  approaches  solution,  the  problem  of  child 
idleness  becomes  more  important  and  difficult.  (115:  78-79.) 
Children  spend  about  one-eighth  of  the  hours  of  the  year  in 
the  public  schools.  Compulsory  education  laws  force  them  to 
attend.  Child  labor  laws  prevent  them  from  working  out- 
side the  home.  The  home  furnishes  very  little  for  them  to  do. 
They  go  to  the  streets  and  to  commercial  places  for  play  and 
recreation.  Investigations  show  that  from  twenty  to  twenty- 
five  per  cent  of  the  persons  attending  moving  picture  shows 
are  children  under  sixteen  years  of  age.  Superintendent 
Francis  is  probably  right  when  he  says,  "The  greatest  danger 
this  nation  faces  today  comes  from  the  unoccupied  time  of 
her  boys  and  girls."  (36:  99.) 

The  rapid  increase  in  wealth  and  of  the  leisure  that  goes 
with  it,  together  with  the  shorter  labor  day,  have  been  im- 
portant factors  in  developing  commercial  recreation.  The  com- 
mercial exploitation  of  leisure  is  a  matter  of  serious  public  con- 
cern. Only  an  insignificant  per  cent  of  the  people  of  large  cities 
are  reached  by  public  agencies  of  recreation.  Probably  not 
less  than  ninety-five  per  cent  of  the  public  frequent  commer- 
cial places.  (59:  317.)  A  few  specific  cases  of  this  commer- 
cialization will  illustrate  the  situation. 

The  motion  picture  business  is  twenty-five  years  old.  It 
is  classed  by  some  authorities  as  the  fourth  largest  industry 


FACTORS  FORCING  RECOGNITION  21 

in  the  country.  In  November,  1916,  a  new  motion  picture 
company  was  organized  in  New  York  City  with  a  reported 
capitalization  of  $9,000,000.  Charlie  Chaplin's  salary  was 
reported  in  Harper's  Weekly  in  May,  1916,  at  $13,500  a  week. 
Newspaper  reports  asserted  that  Chaplin  had  sold  his  pictures 
a  year  in  advance  for  one  million  dollars.  These  are  press 
exaggerations,  without  doubt,  but  public  interest  in  the  ludi- 
crous work  of  Chaplin  would  justify  an  enormous  expense  for 
his  services.  It  is  estimated  that  over  $400,000,000  are  spent 
annually  by  the  people  of  the  United  States  for  admission  to 
moving  picture  shows.  Ninety-nine  per  cent  of  the  pictures 
shown  in  the  public  motion  picture  houses  of  this  country  are 
censored  or  passed  by  the  National  Board  of  Review  of  Mo- 
tion Pictures  of  New  York  City,  a  non-official  board  supported 
chiefly  by  film  producers  and  others  financially  interested  in 
the  motion  picture  business.  (95:  20-21.) 

The  gate  receipts  from  the  162,859  spectators  of  the  five 
games  of  the  World  Championship  Baseball  Series,  in  1916, 
were  $385,590.  The  share  of  each  winning  player  was  $3,826, 
and  of  each  losing  player,  $2,715.  (121:  412.)  Estimates 
based  on  the  figures  of  the  Secretary  of  the  National  Associa- 
tion, place  the  sum  paid  out  or  invested  in  organized  base- 
ball in  the  United  States,  in  1916,  at  $34,000,000. 

The  Brunswick-Balke-Collender  Company,  the  great  bil- 
liard equipment  company  of  America,  states  in  its  advertising 
matter  that  there  are  400,000  billiard  tables  in  the  public  bil- 
liard halls  of  the  United  States,  on  which  over  2,000,000 
people  play  daily. 

Some  of  the  factors  that  have  to  do  with  the  decadence 
of  the  home,  or  at  least  of  the  home  as  it  was  a  half  century 
ago  have  been  discussed.  The  rehabilitation  in  the  city,  of 
the  home  of  the  past,  which  was  essentially  the  rural  home, 
is  a  physical  and  social  impossibility.  The  old  ideas  and  ideals 
of  the  home  must  be  reconstructed,  really  remade,  to  meet 
new  conditions.  Failure  in  the  recognition  of  this  fact,  has 
made  the  recreation  problem  much  more  acute  and  danger- 
ous. The  city  home  is  not  doing  and  cannot  do  the  things 
the  home  used  to  do. 

The  public  school  is  burdened  almost  to  the  point  of 
breaking,  by  attempting  to  do  everything  that  seems  to  be 
needed  to  be  done.  Undoubtedly  some  of  the  early  develop- 


22  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

mental  stages  of  play  and  recreation  can  be  best  cared  for 
by  the  public  school,  but  even  the  ideal  school  can  not  be  ex- 
pected to  solve  the  adult  side  of  the  recreation  problem. 

The  readjustment  of  the  church  in  its  attempts  to  meet 
the  present  social  situation  is  in  a  great  measure  due  to  a 
shifting  of  leisure.  Recreation  has  gone  out  of  the  home. 
The  institutional  church  is  chiefly  an  effort  to  control  leisure 
for  the  church.  The  multiplicity  of  social  and  fraternal  or- 
ganizations complicates  the  problem  of  recreation  for  all,  be- 
cause they  are  more  or  less  exclusive,  and  are  apt  to  tend 
toward  sportiness  and  snobbery.  (98:  251.) 

Society  is  beginning  to  realize  the  fact  that  while  labor 

is  hedged  about  and  protected  by  numerous  laws,  and  social 

regulations,  there  is  scant  attention  given  to  the  conservation 

,  and  protection  of  leisure.     Physical  injury  is  evident,  so  we 

\  have    working-men's     compensation    laws.       Moral     injury 

i  through  the  perversion  of  leisure  is  none  the  less  real,  and 

/  often  more  serious.    There  is  great  need  of  protecting  society 

i  from  the  immoral  tendencies  of  commercial  recreation. 

Easy  and  rapid  means  of  communication  bring  most  rural 
communities  in  contact  with  city  conditions.  The  prestige 
of  the  big  city  is  in  no  field  more  powerful  than  in  that  of  re- 
creation. Practically  every  village,  town  and  city  in  the  United 
States  is  affected  by  New  York's  morality,  through  films 
passed  by  the  National  Board  of  Review  of  Motion  Pictures. 
The  machines  of  industry  are  making  machines  of  men. 
The  intense  crushing  specialization  and  the  forced  efficiency 
of  industrialism  make  recreation  doubly  a  necessity.  The  in- 
crease and  seriousness  of  occupational  or  industrial  diseases 
have  kept  pace  with  the  developments  of  the  industrial  revo- 
lution. (112:  3.)  "With  each  new  form  of  mechanical  in- 
vention which  calls  for  skilled  manual  labor,  some  new  occu- 
pational neurosis  arises."  (22:  45.)  The  tension  of  dull 
monotony  must  be  relieved.  Wholesome  recreation  makes  bet- 
ter workers.  Industry  is  beginning  to  recognize  this,  so  pro- 
gressive establishments  provide  suitable  recreation  for  their 
employees. 

There  are  many  other  factors  that  are  silently  forcing 
the  significance  of  play  and  recreation  into  public  conscious- 
ness. The  weakening  of  the  grip  of  the  church  gives  over 
more  of  the  time  of  the  young  especially  to  perverted  forms 


FACTORS  FORCING  RECOGNITION  23 

of  public  recreation.  The  press  with  its  description  of  social 
and  recreational  excesses,  and  the  sex  novel  are  really  forms 
of  commercial  exploitations  of  leisure.  The  passing  of  the 
American  saloon  raises  the  question  whether  some  of  the  rec- 
reational features  that  have  made  it  so  powerful  are  not  worth 
preserving. 

Specialization  without  due  regard  to  individual  adapta- 
tion, and  economic  pressure,  have  placed  thousands  of  people 
in  vocations  for  which  they  are  unfitted,  and  in  which  they 
are  unhappy.  With  these  persons  the  joy  of  life  must  be 
sought  outside  of  life's  work.  (26:  240.)  Numerous  organ- 
izations and  movements  are  drawing  people  away  from  home. 
Nearly  all  homes  seem  to  be  interested  in  outside  plans  for 
social  improvement. 

The  craving  for  play  and  recreation  is  as  fundamental 
and  natural,  and  its  satisfaction  is  as  necessary  as  the  crav- 
ing for,  and  the  satisfaction  of  food.  Another  institution  or 
agency  of  civilization  must  surely  emerge  from  the  social  com- 
plex to  definitely  provide  for  this  fundamental  need.  The  need 
is  greatest  in  the  cities.  They  are  slowly  meeting  it.  Bryce 
declared  in  1888,  that  the  government  of  cities  was  the  one 
conspicuous  failure  of  the  United  States.  (13 :  637.)  "Amer- 
ican cities  have  made  more  progress  in  the  direction  of  clean 
and  efficient  government  within  the  last  ten  years,  than  they 
were  able  to  make  during  the  preceding  fifty/'  so  wrote  Dr. 
Munro  in  1916.  (72:  1.)  Reforms  have  generally  come  in 
city  government  as  a  necessity. 

The  chief  factors  forcing  public  recognition  of  play  and 
recreation  are  here  restated.  The  strains  due  to  modern  in- 
tensity of  life  have  taken  perverted  forms  in  seeking  relief. 
Congestion  prevents  normal  instinctive  development,  so  the 
problem  of  "human  living  together"  becomes  more  complex 
and  difficult.  More  than  fifty  per  cent  of  the  people  in  the 
United  States  live  in  cities  having  a  population  of  2,500  or 
above.  In  the  city,  the  home  with  its  former  activities  is  pas- 
sing away,  and  with  it  home  play  and  recreation  facilities. 
The  shorter  labor  day  gives  more  leisure  for  adults,  and  the 
seasonal  public  school,  the  changed  home,  and  child  labor  laws, 
make  child  idleness  a  serious  problem.  Commercial  recrea- 
tion agencies  prey  upon  these  enlarged  play  and  leisure  pe- 
riods. The  prestige  of  the  big  city  carries  much  of  its  recrea- 


24  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

tion  into  small  towns.  Municipal  governments  are  being 
forced  by  social  maladjustments  to  recognize,  and  to  provide 
for  the  care  of  public  play  and  leisure.  In  doing  this  they  are 
slowly  developing  an  institution  for  the  care  of  these  activ- 
ities. The  following  chapter  points  out  concretely  how  this 
institution  is  being  evolved  in  some  typical  cities. 


CHAPTER  IV 

Municipal  Recognition  and  Administration  of  Play  and 
Recreation 

The  political  upheavals  that  have,  in  many  cases,  been 
necessary  to  remove  the  more  glaring  defects  of  municipal- 
ities, and  the  social  complications  described  in  chapters  ii  and 
iii,  have  disclosed  latent,  much  needed  governmental  possibil- 
ities. The  term  public  utilities  has  come  to  have  a  progressive 
meaning.  The  paternalism  of  the  nation  is  being  far  out- 
stripped by  what  may  be  called  the  maternalism  of  the  city. 
Municipal  market,  municipal  laundry,  municipal  nursery, 
municipal  swimming  pool,  and  municipal  playground  call  up 
some  of  the  maternal  functions  assumed  by  American  cities 
in  recent  years.  (30:  86  130.)  This  invitation,  issued  by  the 
Board  of  Playground  Commissioners  of  Los  Angeles,  illustrates 
a  new  municipal  function:  "The  City  of  Los  Angeles  offers 
for  the  free  use  of  the  general  public  at  Recreation  Center, 
a  finely  equipped  building  with  a  gymnasium,  bath,  lockers, 
club  rooms,  library,  dance  hall,  bowling  alleys,  wrestling  and 
boxing  room,  handball  court,  playgrounds,  and  furnishes  free 
of  charge  trained  leaders  in  the  gymnasium,  club  work,  dra- 
matics, and  other  recreational  activities."  "The  City  Recre- 
ation Center  Building  is  open  to  the  public  from  2:00  p.  m. 
until  9:30  p.  m.  daily  except  Sunday,  and  persons  are  cor- 
dially invited  to  use  the  Recreation  Center  facilities."  (18: 
1  and  4.) 

Cities  that  have  adopted  a  definite  recreation  manage- 
ment program  have  usually  approached  the  problem  through 
one  or  more  of  three  administrative  departments:  1.  The 
Board  of  Education ;  2.  The  Park  Board ;  3.  A  distinct  depart- 
ment of  the  city  government,  usually  called  Recreation  Com- 
mission. (7:  79-99,  and  60:  24.) 

In  placing  these  activities  under  the  management  of  the 
school  authorities  there  is  danger  that  the  formalism  and 
over-supervision  of  the  public  schools,  may  tend  to  reduce 
them  to  a  deadening  fixed  system,  and  that  professionalism 
will  tend  to  magnify  the  interest  of  the  child,  to  the  neglect 
of  adult  needs  and  interests.  However,  the  wider  view  of 


26  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

school  education,  resulting  largely  from  the  socializing  ten- 
dencies of  recent  years,  may  somewhat  counteract  these  forces. 

Park  departments  have  the  advantage  of  the  control  of 
open  spaces,  and  of  many  other  important  recreational  facil- 
ities. They  are,  however,  apt  to  be  handicapped  by  traditional 
notions  of  the  purpose  and  uses  of  public  parks.  (60:  19-24.) 
The  still  common  tendency  to  consider  parks  as  the  beauty 
spots  of  cities,  and  their  chief  value  their  influence  upon  peo- 
ple who  look  at  them,  stands  in  the  way  of  the  full  recogni- 
tion of  their  recreational  worth  by  park  authorities.  Park 
policemen,  in  large  cities,  still  spend  too  much  of  their  time 
in  keeping  people  from  using  the  parks. 

A  Recreation  Commission,  freed  from  the  corrupting  in- 
fluences of  city  politics,  and  composed  of  citizens  representing 
the  important  interests  and  institutions  of  the  city,  would 
probably  have  a  wider  vision  of  the  meaning  and  purposes 
of  public  play  and  recreation  than  any  ordinary  departmental 
board  or  committee. 

There  is  a  tendency  in  recent  years  to  place  the  public 
recreational  activities  of  a  city  in  the  hands  of  one  person, 
usually  called  Superintendent  of  Recreation,  who  is  appointed 
by,  and  responsible  to  a  Recreation  Board  or  Commission. 
Detroit,  Michigan,  is  an  example  of  this  type  of  organization. 
Because  it  furnishes  one  of  the  best  cases  of  this  recent  de- 
velopment and  for  other  reasons  to  be  discussed  later,  De- 
troit's system  of  recreation  will  be  described  here  with  consid- 
erable detail. 

In  1914,  Detroit  amended  its  charter,  creating  a  Recrea- 
tion Commission,  This  amendment  was  adopted  by  21,187 
for,  14,936  against.  (90:  9.)  The  first  section  is  as  follows: 
"There  shall  be  a  Board  of  Commissioners  in  the  City  of  De- 
troit known  as  The  Recreation  Commission/  Said  Commission 
shall  consist  of  ten  members — five  citizens  of  Detroit  appointed 
by  the  Mayor  and  the  following  five  members :  The  Superinten- 
dent of  Schools,  the  Park  Commissioner,  the  Librarian  of  the 
Public  Library,  the  Police  Commissioner  and  the  Commissioner 
of  Public  Works."  (90:  36.)  The  personnel  of  "the  Recreation 
Commission"  is  significant.  The  ex-officio  members  represent 
the  social  forces  of  the  city  that  are  very  closely  related  to  the 
play  and  recreation  problem.  They  also  give  permanence  and 
stability  to  the  Commission  because  of  the  probable  long  ten- 


MUNICIPAL  RECOGNITION  27 

ure  of  their  major  positions,  and  because  of  their  technical 
knowledge  of  public  affairs  and  public  needs.  The  five  un- 
official citizens  give  the  check  which  specialization  is  apt  to 
need. 

The  duties  and  powers  of  the  Commission  are  pointed  out 
in  Sections  2  and  3  of  the  amendment.  (90:  36.)  In  gen- 
eral, they  are  "to  manage,  direct  and  care  for  whatever  pro- 
visions are  made  by  the  city"  for  play  and  recreation,  and  to 
inspect  as  provided  by  city  ordinances  "all  forms  of  commer- 
cial recreation  for  which  licenses  are  required  by  the  city." 
The  Commission  is  given  power,  unless  "vetoed"  by  the  Board 
of  Education  to  use  school  buildings  and  grounds  for  play 
and  recreation  purposes  without  expense  to  the  Board  of  Edu- 
cation. It  is  also  given  power  "with  the  consent  of  the  Park 
Commissioner"  to  use  park  property,  and  to  equip  and  care 
for  other  recreation  facilities  in  the  parks. 

An  important  power  with  reference  to  commercial  recre- 
ation is  vested  in  the  Commission.  All  licenses  for  commercial 
places  "shall  be  issued  only  on  the  written  recommendation 
of  said  Recreation  Commission;  that  such  a  recreation  place 
for  which  license  is  sought  is  furnishing  recreation  of  a  whole- 
some and  moral  quality."  (90 :  36.) 

The  funds  supporting  the  work  of  the  Commission  are 
appropriated  and  turned  over  to  it  by  the  Common  Council. 
The  money  is  raised  by  an  annual  city  tax  "to  provide  for  the 
establishment  and  extension  of  a  recreation  system  under  the 
Commission."  Bonds  may  be  issued  by  the  city  for  purchas- 
ing or  erecting  buildings  "for  the  further  extension  of  the 
recreation  system  under  said  Commission."  (90:  36.) 

"The  Commission  may  appoint  a  recreation  superinten- 
dent and  one  chief  assistant,  and  such  other  directors  and 
caretakers  as  are  necessary  for  the  proper  conduct  of  an  ade- 
quate recreation  system  for  Detroit,  all  appointees  except  the 
superintendent  and  chief  assistant  to  be  subject,  however,  to 
the  act  providing  for  a  system  of  civil  service  for  the  city 
of  Detroit."  (90:  36.)  Such  is  the  amendment  provision  for 
the  selection  of  the  recreation  faculty  and  helpers  in  this  city 
system  of  play  and  recreation. 

One  purpose  in  giving  this  detailed  description  of  De- 
troit's recreation  system  is  to  bring  out  the  fact  that  Detroit 
is  building  up  a  scheme  of  public  recreation  that  in  its  legal 


28  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

framework  resembles  the  municipal  public  school  system  as  it 
exists  in  American  cities.  Even  the  method  of  selecting  the 
Recreation  Commission  does  not  differ  from  that  used  in  the 
selection  of  members  of  school  boards  in  Chicago,  New  York 
and  San  Francisco.  (72:  361.)  The  general  functions  of 
boards  of  education  may  be  grouped  under  three  heads :  1.  To 
provide  the  school  plant;  2.  To  purchase  supplies  of  various 
kinds;  3.  To  appoint  a  superintendent  and  assistants.  (72: 
369.)  These  things  are  done  for  recreation  by  the  Recrea- 
tion Commission  of  Detroit.  The  provisions  for  financial  sup- 
port are  much  the  same  in  Detroit's  public  recreation  system, 
as  in  municipal  public  school  systems.  School  boards  do  not 
provide  and  control  all  formal  education  of  the  cities,  how- 
ever, they  do  in  most  systems,  have  some  supervision  of  pri- 
vate and  parochial  education.  This  is  somewhat  comparable 
to  Detroit's  inspection  of  commercial  recreation. 

The  American  people  have  often  been  accused  of  law  neg- 
lect. Much  needed  and  progressive  legislation  has  been  placed 
on  statute  books,  but  not  enforced.  Charles  A.  Ell  wood  tells 
us  that  we  have  "a  childish,  almost  an  absurd  faith  in  the 
power  of  governmental  machinery,  and  in  the  power  of  the 
ballot  to  work  all  sorts  of  social  wonders."  (5:  200.)  De- 
troit's recreation  system  was  adopted  by  a  majority  of  6,000 
in  a  total  vote  of  36,000  citizens.  Has  it  been  administered? 
If  so,  how? 

This  introduces  a  third  reason  for  devoting  so  much  space 
to  Detroit's  recreation  plan.  The  Recreation  Commission  was 
organized  in  December,  1914.  The  work  of  the  Commission 
.for  the  first  year  is  published  under  the  title,  "The  Recreation 
Commission  of  the  City  of  Detroit  Report  at  the  end  of  the 
First  Year  of  its  Organization.  January  1,  1916."  (90.)  This 
report  shows  what  the  Commission  accomplished  during  the 
first  year  of  its  existence  and  what  plans  were  formulated  for 
the  following  year.  In  a  forty  page  pamphlet  are  given:  The 
roster  of  the  Commission,  with  its  four  committees — adminis- 
tration, finance,  licenses,  real  estate ;  the  roster  of  the  staff — 
174  in  the  summer,  and  50  in  the  winter  season;  map  show- 
ing the  distribution  of  the  recreation  activities  of  the  Com- 
mission ;  report  of  the  President  to  the  Common  Council ;  re- 
port of  the  Superintendent  to  the  Commission;  illustrations 
of  play  and  recreation  activities ;  special  activities ;  attendance 


MUNICIPAL  RECOGNITION  29 

at  summer  playgrounds;  financial  statement  and  budget  for 
the  year  beginning  January  1,  1916. 

Although  the  commission  was  organized  in  December, 
1914,  funds  were  not  available  until  July  1,  1915,  so  the  actual 
organized  work  as  reported  was  carried  on  for  only  six 
months,  July  1,  1915,  to  January  1,  1916.  (90.)  This  fact 
should  be  considered  in  measuring  the  Commission's  work, 
also  it  should  be  kept  in  mind  that  the  Commission  "took  over 
from  various  city  departments  activities  which  had  heretofore 
been  conducted  by  them.  With  these  changes  in  administra- 
tion and  a  reconsideration  and  broadening  of  the  scope  of  the 
work,  many  new  problems  were  presented;  consequently  a 
very  large  part  of  the  work  of  the  Commission  was  of  a  cre- 
ative character,  for  which  no  precedent  existed."  (90:  8.) 

A  few  of  the  general  features  of  the  Report  will  be  con- 
sidered here. 

Finances  of  the  Recreation  Commission 

July  1,  1915,  to  January  1,  1916 
(All  amounts  are  here  given  in  even  hundreds) 

Total  appropriation  for  one  year $169,500 

Total  expense  for  six  months 65,600 

Salaries — Administration  4,000 

Supervision    1,200 

Playground  Direction 28,600 

Swimming  Supervision 2,700 

School  Garden 300 

Janitors  and  Caretakers 9,800 

Athletic  Supplies 1,600 

Industrial  Supplies  300 

Equipment — New  School  Playgrounds 4,100 

New  Library  Playground ~ 100 

Other  New  Playgrounds 900 

Playground  Improvements 5,700 

Lockers,  Benches,  etc 400 

Medical  Services  .-.  300 

Laundry  Service  (Bath  House) 400 

Field  Day 1,500 

The  above  items  are  selected  from  the  financial  statement 
in  order  to  show  the  expenses  of  the  system,  and  to  point 


30  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

out  the  activities  emphasized.    The  budget  for  the  fiscal  year 
beginning  July  1,  1916,  calls  for  $129,900.    (90:  38-40.) 

Supervised  Summer  Playgrounds 

Total  number  of  play  centers 69 

Average  weekly  attendance 91,400 

Total  attendance  1,015,000 

Cost  per  individual  child  per  day 3  cents 

Daily  programs,  10:00  a.  m.  until  dark: 

Young  children's  activities  in  early  periods. 

Older  children's  activities  in  afternoons. 

Adult  activities  in  evenings.     (90:  14  and  37.) 

The  summer  playground  season  closed  August  21,  with 
the  first  annual  Recreation  Day  program.  "This  program  was 
shaped  to  give  expression  to  the  fundamental  recreational 
instincts,  athletic  competition,  group  exercises,  dramatics  and 
dancing."  (90:  17  and  31.) 

Commercial  Recreation 

The  Superintendent  asks  for  "adequate  funds  to  insure 
intelligent  and  constructive  supervision"  of  commercial  recre- 
ation. The  allowance  for  this  purpose  for  the  first  year  was 
$1,900;  the  second  year  budget  calls  for  $3,500.  (90:  28.) 

/Training  of  Play  and  Recreation  Leaders 
The  Superintendent  organized  a  normal  training  class 
in  the  theory  and  practice  of  play,  as  soon  as  the  work  of  the 
Commission  was  established.  A  definite  course  in  the  train- 
ing of  recreation  and  play  workers  was  at  once  put  into  opera- 
tion. (90:  12.) 

In  his  recommendations  for  the  year,  1916-17,  the  Sup- 
erintendent urges  the  Commission  to  increase  the  salary  ap- 
propriation, so  that  he  may  be  able  "to  employ  suitably  trained 
and  able  supervisors  to  assist  in  directing  and  training  the 
employees  of  the  staff."  (90:  25-26.)  He  also  urges  the 
adoption  of  a  graduated  salary  schedule,  which  will  allow 
an  annual  increase  in  the  salaries  of  efficient  employees  so  that 
the  Commission  can  develop  and  hold  capable  recreation 
leaders.  (90:  26.) 

The  Civil  Service  Commission  of  Detroit,  during  the  year 
1915,  established  standard  minimum  qualifications  for  direc- 
tors and  play  leaders.  These  requirements  include  general 


MUNICIPAL  RECOGNITION  31 

education,  physical  fitness,  and  training  in  the  theory  and 
practice  of  play  direction.     (90:  26.) 

The  first  report  of  Detroit's  Recreation  Commission,  in 
form  and  in  methods  of  administration  resembles  in  many 
ways  the  reports  of  boards  of  education  of  city  schools.  De- 
troit's Recreation  Commission  seems  to  be  striving  to  estab- 
lish a  municipal  recreation  system — a  system  that  will  finally 
control  and  direct  all  public  recreation  of  the  city. 

The  city  of  Los  Angeles  by  a  charter  amendment  estab- 
lished a  Playground  Department  in  1911.  This  Department 
is  under  the  management  and  control  of  a  board  of  five  com- 
missioners styled  the  Board  of  Playground  Commissioners. 
(96:  54;  48:  90-91.)  This  Board  is  appointed  by  the  Mayor, 
subject  to  the  confirmation  of  the  Council.  There  are  no  ex- 
officio  members.  Their  duties  and  powers  are  much  the  same 
as  those  of  the  Detroit  Commission,  except  that  the  Los  An- 
geles Board  has  nothing  to  do  with  commercial  recreation. 
In  general,  the  recreational  activities  provided  by  the  two  are 
about  the  same  in  kind.  (96.)  Two  special  features  of  Los 
Angeles  deserve  mention.  The  Board  of  Playground  Com- 
missioners operates  a  Summer  Camp  in  the  San  Bernardino 
Mountains,  75  miles  from  Los  Angeles.  This  camp  of  twenty- 
three  acres,  is  really  a  city-conducted  outing  home  in  the 
mountains.  (96:  41.)  Large  well  ventilated  cabins  provide 
comfortable  shelter.  Campers  are  taken  in  groups  during  the 
hot  season,  under  the  supervision  of  an  official  director.  There 
are  boy  groups,  groups  of  girls  and  women,  and  family  groups. 
The  city  of  Los  Angeles  has  been  providing  for  all  decent 
citizens  who  care  to  take  advantage  of  it,  a  two  weeks'  outing 
in  this  camp  for  $7.50  for  each  person.  This  includes  trans- 
portation, food  and  housing.  (96:  41.)  Almost  1,000  per- 
sons took  advantage  of  this  outing  in  1916. 

In  order  to  keep  in  close  touch  with  neighborhood  recre- 
ational conditions  and  needs,  the  Los  Angeles  Commissioners 
require  a  director  to  reside  on  each  city  playground.  (96:  47.) 
For  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1914,  the  Los  Angeles 
Board  spent  $63,600  for  recreation.  (96:  24.) 

In  Cleveland,  play  and  recreation  are  cared  for  by  the 
Department  of  Public  Welfare  through  the  Sub-Division  of 
Parks  and  Public  Grounds.  This  Sub-Division  includes  parks, 


32  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

boulevards,  forestry,  playgrounds,  baths,  bath  houses,  dance 
pavilions,  recreation  and  park  refreshments.  (6.)  The  chief 
officer  of  the  Sub-Division  is  Commissioner  of  Parks  and 
Public  Grounds.  The  important  inferior  officers  are  Park 
Engineer,  City  Forester,  Supervisor  of  Recreation,  and  Sup- 
erintendents and  Physical  Directors  of  Baths  and  Gymnasi- 
ums. 

Cleveland's  system  is  very  complicated.  The  recreational 
activities  permitted  and  provided  by  the  authorities  do  not 
differ  widely  from  those  of  other  cities.  The  outdoor  facilities 
of  the  parks  are  excellent.  There  is  a  lack  of  facilities  for 
indoor  play  and  recreation.  Two  special  features  of  the  parks 
should  be  noticed.  Cleveland  park  management  provides  ade- 
quate dancing  facilities  with  a  charge  of  three  cents  for  each 
couple  for  each  dance.  In  1914,  1,300,000  persons  partici- 
pated in  this  recreation  in  the  two  park  pavilions.  (6:  9-11.) 
In  Cleveland  parks  all  refreshment  stands  are  operated  by  the 
park  management.  (6:  8-9.) 

The  Superintendent  of  Recreation  of  Dayton,  Ohio,  is 
a  divisional  officer  under  the  Director  of  Public  Welfare.  In 
the  summer  of  1916,  eighteen  playgrounds  were  managed 
by  the  Superintendent.  Eleven  of  these  were  financed  by  the 
Playgrounds  and  Gardens  Association,  and  seven  by  the  city. 
(93:  1.) 

The  Board  of  Park  Commissioners  of  Springfield,  Massa- 
chusetts, has  charge  of  the  city's  recreational  work.  This  in- 
cluded in  1916,  fifty-seven  parks,  eighteen  playgrounds,  two 
swimming  pools  and  six  social  centers.  (83:  6  and  12.)  A 
common  attitude  of  park  officials  toward  the  recent  develop- 
ments of  municipal  recreation  management  is  shown  by  the 
following  extract  from  the  Park  Commissioners'  Report  for 
1914:  "Last  winter  an  effort  was  made  to  have  Springfield 
adopt  a  new  commission — that  of  Recreation.  One  of  the 
greatest  sources  of  foolishness  and  waste  of  energy  in  the 
United  States  at  the  present  time — and  for  several  years  past 
— is  the  tendency  to  create  new  laws  and  regulations  which 
have  no  solid  reasons  for  existence  save  in  the  minds  of  the 
persons  originating  them."  (84:  20.)  The  new  commission 
was  not  established.  However,  the  Park  Commissioners  ap- 
pointed a  Director  of  Recreation.  This  was  in  1913.  In  the 
last  report  of  the  Board  (1916)  there  is  clear  evidence  of  a 


MUNICIPAL  RECOGNITION  33 

clash  between  the  Park  Board  and  the  School  Board  with  ref- 
erence to  the  distribution  of  educational  and  recreational  ac- 
tivities. (83:  13.) 

Springfield  makes  provision  in  the  parks  for  out-of-door 
social  dancing,  on  low  uncovered  platforms.  This  form  of 
dancing  is  very  popular.  (83:  12,  and  84:  11  and  23.) 

Chicago  has  a  complicated  system  of  parks,  boulevards, 
municipal  playgrounds  and  municipal  bathing  beaches.  The 
city  of  Chicago  has  spent  more  than  $30,000,000  on  its  park 
systems.  (124:  274.) 

The  South  Park  System  of  Chicago  consists  of  twenty- 
four  parks  and  nineteen  boulevards.  (5:  8.)  The  following 
list  of  conveniences  and  facilities  provided  by  the  System  will 
suffice  to  show  the  activities  of  these  "most  humanly  useful 
parks."  (5:  46.) 

Golf  Courses 3  Running  Tracks 15 

Tennis  Courts 359  Children's  Playgrounds  ....  19 

Baseball  Diamonds 76  Assembly  Halls 11 

Football  Grounds 26  Reading  Rooms  11 

Skating  Houses 15  Club  Rooms,  Men 13 

Swimming  Pools 11  Club  Rooms,  Women 28 

Boat  Houses  4  Bathing  Beaches 3 

Shelters  19  Private  Showers,  Men 41 

Inside  Gym.,  Men 11  Open  Showers,  Men     242 

Inside  Gym.,  Women 11  Private  Showers,  Women.. 100 

Outside  Gym.,  Men 18  Open  Showers,  Women 78 

Outside  Gym.,  Women 18 

A  further  consideration  of  methods  of  management,  and 
of  the  reports  of  play  and  recreation  officials  of  cities,  would 
not  show  wide  variation  from  the  types  described.  In  the 
conduct  of  play  and  recreation,  most  of  the  cities  through 
their  reports  show  duplication  of  activities  and  facilities,  and 
lack  of  coordination  in  management.  There  is  often  magnifi- 
cation of  the  importance  of  details,  or  of  minor  unrelated  activ- 
ities. In  some  cases  these  reports  clearly  show  lack  of  both 
training  and  vision  on  the  part  of  officials.  There  is  generally 
little  effort  made  by  cities  through  their  recreation  officials 
to  inspect,  supervise  or  control  commercial  recreation.  J.  R. 
Richards,  Superintendent  of  Sports  and  Recreation,  South  Park 
Commission,  Chicago,  says,  "Many  of  our  social  problems  are 


34  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

nothing  but  manifestations  of  the  effects  of  commercial  rec- 
reation in  a  social  organism  that  offers  no  decent  and  adequate 
substitute."  (98:  246.)  Richards  also  holds  that  "dividends 
and  not  human  development  are  the  chief  concern  of  com- 
mercialized recreation." 

In  December,  1915,  the  Board  of  Estimate  and  Appor- 
tionment of  New  York  City,  appointed  a  Committee  on  Rec- 
reation. In  a  Report,  October,  1916,  this  Committee  listed  the 
four  tasks  set  for  itself.  They  are  as  follows : 

"1.  Working  out  a  comprehensive  plan  of  development  for 
recreation  activities  in  New  York  City. 

"2.  The  co-ordinating  of  the  work  of  various  public 
boards  affecting  recreation  in  New  York  City. 

"3.    The  co-ordination  of  public  and  private  agencies. 

"4.  Making  recommendations  on  the  budget  and  on  all 
current  matters  referred  to  it  by  various  public  boards  in  order 
to  see  that  a  co-ordinated  plan  for  recreation  development 
is  being  carried  out,  and  thus  to  prevent  the  city  from  taking 
steps  which  will  have  to  be  retraced."  (92 :  7.) 

This  Committee  is  making  a  most  comprehensive  study 
of  the  recreation  conditions  and  needs  of  New  York  City.  In 
1915,  that  city  spent  $2,660,400  for  recreation.  (92:  15  and 
22.) 

Throughout  the  country  in  general,  there  is  a  marked 
movement  toward  placing  playgrounds  and  recreation  work 
under  municipal  management.  In  1916,  237  of  the  371  cities 
reporting  the  authorities  managing  public  play  and  recrea- 
\tion,  to  the  Playground  and  Recreation  Association  of  Amer- 
ttica,  were  wholly  or  in  part  administering  these  activities  them- 
jj selves;  that  is,  63.8  per  cent  of  the  cities  had  some  form  of 
I  municipal  control.  That  was  an  increase  of  6.8  per  cent  dur- 
ing the  year.  In  forty-two  cities  playground  and  recreation 
centers  were  maintained  by  recreation  commissions;  in  four- 
teen cities  by  playground  and  recreation  departments  or  divis- 
ions. (122:  492.)  School  boards  provided  these  facilities  in 
seventy  cities;  park  boards  in  thirty-one;  city  councils  or 
boards  of  selectmen  in  nine;  departments  of  public  welfare 
in  two;  departments  of  parks  and  public  property  in  three; 
and  municipal  playground  committees  in  eight.  (122:  492-93.) 

Play  and  recreation  were  managed  by  a  combination  of 
I  municipal  departments  in  a  number  of  cities.  The  following 
I  are  common  combinations : 


MUNICIPAL  RECOGNITION  35 

Park  department  and  board  of  education. 

Board  of  education  and  board  of  recreation. 

Board  of  education  and  city. 

Park  department  and  board  of  recreation. 

Department  of  parks  and  playgrounds,  board  of  educa- 
tion and  board  of  health. 

Board  of  public  works  and  other  city  departments.  (122: 
493.) 

Private  management  of  play  and  recreation  was  reported 
from  forty-five  cities.  This  was  chiefly  by  women's  clubs, 
civic  clubs  and  associations,  improvement  clubs,  parent-teacher 
associations,  home-school  leagues,  Y.  M.  C.  A.'s,  Y.  W.  C.  A.'s, 
and  playground  associations.  In  six  cities,  play  and  recreation 
were  managed  by  industrial  establishments ;  in  two  by  cham- 
bers of  commerce ;  in  two  by  private  endowments ;  in  three  by 
private  individuals.  (122:  493.) 

During  1916,  171  cities  reporting  to  the  Playground  and 
Recreation  Association  of  America,  supported  play  and  recrea- 
tion by  municipal  tax ;  94  by  private  funds ;  and  95  by  municipal 
and  private  funds.  Twelve  cities  issued  bonds  for  recreation 
purposes  in  1916.  (122:  494.) 

One  hundred  forty-two  recreation  buildings  were  reported 
from  fifty-six  cities.  These  buildings  were  erected  for  recrea- 
tion purposes.  (122:  495.)  Play  and  recreation  centers  in  the 
cities  reporting  were  open  for  the  first  time  in  forty-one  cities 
during  1916,  and  sixty-seven  were  planning  to  put  in  recreation 
work  in  1917.  (122:  496-7.) 

One  means  of  measuring  public  interest  in  a  governmental 
affair  is  by  the  amount  of  money  put  into  it.  Though  most 
recreational  facilities  of  the  cities  are  privately  owned,  there 
is  a  heavy  governmental  investment  in  them,  and  the  cost 
of  maintenance  is  large.  However,  an  examination  of  the  dis- 
tribution of  the  expenses  of  city  government  shows  a  small 
outlay  for  recreational  purposes  when  compared  with  other 
expenses. 

In  cities  of  the  United  States  having  a  population  of  over 
30,000  each,  the  most  important  governmental  expenses  are 
distributed  as  follows:  general  government,  11.3  per  cent;  pro- 
tection of  persons  and  property,  22  per  cent;  highways,  11.3 
per  cent;  education,  including  libraries,  31.4  per  cent;  con- 
servation of  health,  and  sanitation,  10.1  per  cent;  charities, 
hospitals  and  correction,  6.8  per  cent ;  recreation,  3.7  per  cent. 


36  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

(33:  212.)  In  cities  of  500,000  and  over,  and  in  cities  of  100,- 
000  to  300,000,  4  per  cent  of  municipal  expenses  is  for  recrea- 
tion. The  lowest,  2.6  per  cent,  is  in  cities  of  50,000  to  100,000. 
(33:  212.) 

The  value  of  properties  held  for  recreation  in  these  204 
cities  of  over  30,000  each,  is  $1,205,076,000.  (33:  291.)  The 
total  expenses  in  these  cities  for  recreation  purposes  in  1915. 
were  $21,389,000.  The  recreation  buildings  in  thirty-eight 
cities  are  valued  at  $4,094,000.  (122:  496.) 

A  recent  bulletin  by  Arthur  Williams,  issued  by  the  Play- 
ground and  Recreation  Association  of  America,  summarizes 
the  administrative  tendency  of  recreation  so  well  that  parts 
of  it  are  quoted  here.  Mr.  Williams  says: 
.  "The  present  tendency  is  to  coordinate  all  the  recreation 
activities  of  the  city  under  one  administrative  body  with  legal 
standing  in  the  community  with  adequate  funds  appropriated 
by  the  municipality. 

"There  have  been,  however,  slight  differences  of  opinion  as 
to  what  municipal  department  this  work  should  be  entrusted — 
the  school  boards,  the  park  board,  or  a  recreation  commission. 

"The  great  majority  of  recreation  workers  today,  however, 
feel  that  because  of  the  varied  kinds  of  activities  which  it  is 
necessary  for  an  effective  administrative  body  to  carry  on  it 
is  advisable  to  have  a  separate  body  for  this  work  in  which 
can  be  coordinated  all  the  playground  and  recreation  work  of 
the  city,  including  the  supervision  of  commercial  amusements. 

"A  special  committee  appointed  by  the  Playground  and 
Recreation  Association  of  America  to  study  the  question  of 
administration  found  that  the  cities  having  commissions  were 
on  a  whole  better  satisfied  with  this  form  of  .administration 
than  cities  having  other  forms  of  control.  Ten  out  of  thirteen 
commission  correspondents  favored  commission  control.  Seven 
out  of  thirteen  park  board  writers  favored  commission  con- 
trol in  some  form. 

"This  committee  reported,  'It  is  fair  to  conclude  that  in 
cities  where  the  interest  is  greatest,  the  problems  most  varied 
and  the  movement  furthest  developed,  the  distinct  tendency 
is  toward  the  commission  idea, — playground  or  recreation 
commissions  composed  of  people  having  an  appreciation  of  both 
the  park  and  schools'  ideals,  but  with  a  social  insight  that  per- 
mits a  deeper  appreciation  of  the  meaning  of  leisure  from  the 


MUNICIPAL  RECOGNITION  37 

standpoint  of  civic-righteousness  and  efficient  citizenship 
and  the  physical  and  moral  welfare  of  the  race'."  (119a.) 

There  is  a  tendency  toward  the  development  of  a  munici- 
pal system  of  public  play  and  recreation,  that  is  somewhat 
comparable  in  organization  and  administration  to  the  public 
school  system.  The  development  of  this  system  is  hindered 
especially  by  social  conservatism,  and  by  boards  and  depart- 
ments that  have  control  of  certain  phases  of  recreation,  also 
by  commercial  agencies,  that  in  a  large  measure  really  con- 
trol recreational  activities. 

Attempts  to  deal  with  play  and  recreation  as  parts  of 
other  institutions,  have  led  to  a  multiplicity  of  means  of  man- 
agement, and  to  duplication  of  facilities.  Financial  investment 
means  public  recognition.  Cities  are  spending  more  year  after 
year  for  recreation.  (33:  95.)  As  education,  through  much 
the  same  processes  that  recreation  is  now  passing,  has  grown 
to  be  a  definite  public  responsibility  assumed  by  public  author- 
ity— a  separate  institution — so  does  recreation  seem  to  be 
slowly  becoming  a  municipal  responsibility  in  the  large  cities 
of  the  United  States. 


CHAPTER  V 

A  Study  of  the  Public  Play  and  Recreation  Facilities  of 
Forty-Six  Small  Cities  and  Villages  of  Nebraska 

A.     Introductory — Some  Recent  Investigations  of  Municipal 

Recreation 

Surveys  and  studies  covering  practically  all  phases  of 
human  activity  have  been  made  in  great  numbers  in  the  last 
ten  years — most  of  them  in  the  last  five  years.  Two  recent 
definitions  of  social  surveys  by  experts,  one  in  the  field  of 
municipal  administration,  and  the  other  in  the  field  of  social 
research,  will  be  given  here  to  indicate  the  present  status  of 
the  survey  movement.  Dr.  W.  B.  Munro  says:  "A  social  sur- 
vey is  simply  an  elaborate  inquiry  into  the  conditions  under 
which  the  people  live,  particularly  in  the  crowded  areas;  it 
is  a  study  of  their  earnings  and  expenditures,  their  places  of 
work,  their  homes,  their  recreations,  in  fact  all  their  economic 
and  social  relations."  (72:  69.)  "A  social  survey,"  writes  Dr. 
Carol  Aronovici,  "may  therefore  be  defined  as  a  stock  taking 
of  social  factors  that  determine  the  conditions  of  a  given  com- 
munity, whether  that  be  a  neighborhood,  village,  city,  county, 
state  or  nation,  with  a  view  to  providing  adequate  information 
necessary  for  the  intelligent  planning  and  carrying  out  of  con- 
structive and  far-reaching  social  reforms."  (7:15.) 

An  examination  of  social  surveys  shows  that  the  second 
definition  more  nearly  approaches  the  best  present  practice. 
However,  many  social  surveys  are  merely  social  diagnoses. 
The  following  list  of  groups  of  social  surveys  provides  a  sort 
of  measure  of  social  unrest:  city,  rural,  school,  health,  hous- 
ing, industrial,  municipal  administration,  vice,  delinquency  and 
correction,  poverty  and  charity,  mental  hygiene,  church,  vo- 
cational education,  infant  mortality,  leisure  time.  (7:  217-52; 
and  15.)  This  list  is  not  complete,  but  it  is  sufficient  to  indi- 
cate the  extent  of  the  social  survey  movement.  In  1916,  more 
than  two  hundred  social  surveys  had  been  made  in  the  United 
States,  and  the  results  printed.  (7:213.) 

Dr.  Aronovici  lists  in  his  book,  "The  Social  Survey," 
twenty-four  social  organizations  and  foundations  in  the  United 
States,  which  advise  and  assist  in  social  survey  work.  He  gives 


INTRODUCTORY— SMALL  TOWN  STUDY  39 

this  as  a  partial  list  of  such  agencies.  (7:  215-16.)  It  is 
worthy  of  notice  in  this  connection  that  eighteen  of  these  or- 
ganizations are  located  in  New  York  City,  three  in  Boston, 
two  in  Philadelphia,  and  one  in  Baltimore. 

Most  of  the  recreation  surveys  have  been  made  in  large 
cities.  School  surveys  have  devoted  considerable  attention 
to  recreation  and  play  from  the  standpoint  of  the  child. 

The  study  of  small  towns  and  villages  here  presented  does 
not  claim  to  be  a  leisure  time  survey  of  these  communities.  It 
is  rather  an  attempt  to  do  three  things :  1.  To  inventory  the 
public  play  and  recreation  facilities  of  these  towns ;  2.  To  de- 
termine to  what  extent  they  are  utilized  by  the  people; 
3.  To  evaluate  the  agencies  that  provide  them,  and  to  interpret 
the  means  of  controlling  them.  This  study  will  also  help  to 
bring  out  the  fact  that  the  metropolitan  character  of  the  urban- 
ization of  rural  regions  and  small  towns  has  not  been  duly  con- 
sidered in  dealing  with  American  social  life.  This  is  especially 
true  with  reference  to  metropolitan  influence  on  forms  of  pub- 
lic play  and  recreation  in  small  cities  and  villages. 

Before  entering  into  the  discussion  of  the  main  purpose 
of  the  study,  it  seems  relevant  to  note  a  few  typical  cases  of 
recent  investigations,  chiefly  in  small  cities. 

Dr.  W.  B.  Forbush  in  "The  Coming  Generation,"  published 
in  1912,  describes  the  recreational  facilities  of  thirty  county 
seats  in  the  Middle  West.  He  spent  a  week  in  each  of  these 
cities,  which  ranged  in  population  from  3,000  to  10,000.  The 
towns  were,  he  says,  typically  American,  representing  the 
average  community  life  in  the  United  States. 

Dr.  Forbush  considers  these  county  capitals  as  places  .in 
which  life  is  "dreary  and  colorless."  For  the  sake  of  brevity 
his  interesting  descriptions  are  omitted  and  the  recreational 
features  of  these  towns,  as  he  saw  them,  merely  listed.  The 
following  condenses  the  chief  points  of  his  observations: 

1.  Libraries.    There  is  usually  a  Carnegie  library,  con- 
taining a  well-chosen  collection  of  books.    The  reading  rooms 
used  very  little  except  by  children.    Generally  some  good  pic- 
tures. 

2.  Theatres.    A  number  of  picture  shows  exhibiting  films 
"usually  irreproachable  in  character,"  in  a  poor  building  "not 
suggestive   of  moral   associations   of  the   highest   quality." 
During  the  winter  season  these  are  supplemented  by  traveling 


40  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

troupes  that  dispense  melodrama  and  vaudeville  at  the  "opera 
house." 

3.  Chautauquas,  fairs  and  lyceums.    A  chautauqua  last- 
ing from  one  to  three  weeks,  is  supported  by  every  fourth  or 
fifth  county  seat.    These  are  usually  held  in  groves  near  the 
cities,  where  the  people  are  instructed  and  entertained  by  the 
able  talent  of  "these  great  outdoor  universities."    The  county 
fairs  in  the  late  fall  are  "great  reunion  places  for  kinsmen  and 
neighbors."    The  lyceums  come  in  the  winter  bringing  to  the 
people  the  chautauqua  minus  the  fellowship  of  outdoor  life. 

4.  Churches,  lodges  and  clubs.    Of  the  churches  Dr.  For- 
bush  makes  this  statement,  "It  is  a  surprising  thing  to  one 
who  has  visited  the  churches  in  these  county  seats,  to  find 
how  generally  institutional  and  social  features  are  absent." 
He  further  states,  that  except  for  Sunday  schools,  with  their 
occasional  festivals,  and  a  few  other  special  occasions,  the 
churches  are  closed  all  week,  being  open  only  for  Sunday  wor- 
ship and  mid-week  prayer  meeting.    The  great  annual  affairs 
of  these  churches  are  the  revivals,  which  are  described  as  "oc- 
casions of  religious  turmoil"  and  community  excitement.    He 
laments  the  fact  that  the  churches  have  entirely  neglected  their 
social  duties  and  opportunities.     He  says,  "The  relation  of 
such  churches,  for  example,  to  the  problem  of  amusement  of 
young  people  is  a  dangerous  and  impossible  one." 

Nearly  all  of  the  men  in  these  county  seats  belong  to  one 
or  more  fraternal  orders.  The  lodges,  too,  have  failed  in  their 
social  obligations  to  their  communities,  for  most  of  them 
equip  commodious  rooms,  and  keep  them  closed  except  upon 
meeting  nights.  Dr.  Forbush  contrasts  the  passiveness  of 
men's  organizations  with  the  social  efficiency  of  the  women's 
clubs.  He  says  of  these  clubs,  "They  organize  departments  for 
definite  social  purposes,  and  they  earnestly  set  themselves  to 
studying  and  supplying  the  community's  needs."  (35 :  241-48.) 

On  the  whole,  Dr.  Forbush  looks  upon  the  recreational 
facilities  of  these  towns  as  inefficient  and  inadequate.  His  con- 
clusions are  probably  authentic  and  just.  His  training  and 
reputation  would  justify  such  an  assumption. 

During  the  last  five  years  recreational  surveys  of  cities 
have  been  made  from  several  standpoints  and  for  several 
purposes.  It  seems  pertinent  to  call  attention  here  to  typi- 
cal surveys,  and  to  the  general  recommendations  based  on  the 
findings. 


INTRODUCTORY— SMALL  TOWN  STUDY  41 

In  1914,  the  Department  of  Surveys  and  Exhibits  of  the 
Russell  Sage  Foundation,  in  cooperation  with  the  Springfield 
Survey  Committee,  conducted  a  general  social  survey  of  Spring- 
field, Illinois.  This  survey  is  published  in  nine  sections.  One 
section  deals  with  recreation  in  Springfield.  In  discussing 
the  "Basis  of  Public  Concern  in  Recreation,"  the  authors  say: 
"The  cities  which  up  to  now  have  gone  farthest  in  municipal 
care  for  recreation  have  been  mainly  those  in  which  the  ex- 
cessive delinquency  of  children  in  certain  well  defined  districts 
has  called  public  attention  to  the  external  causes  of  viciousness. 
....  The  movements  for  playgrounds  thus  originated  became 
finally  a  movement  for  all  sorts  of  recreation  facilities  under 
public  auspices.  But  in  Springfield  the  conditions  that  hamper 
play  are  not  conspicuously  present,  and  as  a  consequence,  its 
public  conscience  has  not  been  greatly  burdened  with  recrea- 
tion matters.  Nevertheless,  in  this  city  just  as  in  other  com- 
munities, whether  or  not  they  show  the  plague  spots  peculiar 
to  bigness,  there  occurs  each  year  an  appalling  wreckage  of  hu- 
man careers — appalling  both  because  of  its  size  and  prevent- 
ability."  (50:5.) 

The  recommended  recreation  program  for  Springfield  in- 
cludes a  wider  use  of  the  school  plants,  and  public  parks ;  and 
proper  inspection  and  control  of  commercial  recreation,  under 
the  coordinate  control  of  the  public  school  and  park  author- 
ities, and  a  city  committee  of  recreation.  (50:  97-103.) 
Springfield  is  a  city  of  52,000  people. 

"The  Recreational  Survey"  of  Madison,  Wisconsin,  a  city 
of  26,000,  was  made  in  1915,  by  a  survey  committee  appointed 
by  the  Madison  Board  of  Commerce.  C.  W.  Hetherington  was 
chairman  of  the  committee.  The  purpose  of  this  survey  from 
the  standpoint  of  the  Board  of  Commerce  is  thus  stated  by 
its  Board  of  Directors:  "It  is  conceded  by  the  modern  city 
planners  and  community  builders  that  the  city  of  greatest 
material  growth  in  the  future  will  be  that  city  which  gets  the 
largest  number  of  people  to  acknowledge  the  superior  quality 
of  its  human  background. 

"Adequate  play  and  recreation  facilities  have  too  im- 
portant a  future  economic  value  for  a  community  to  inventory 
the  present  worth  of  a  study,  such  as  this,  from  the  stand- 
point of  financial  outlay  alone.  Then,  too,  a  large  proportion 
of  crime  and  misery  is  found  to  have  its  inception  in  negative 
recreational  facilities."  (70 :  Foreword.) 


42  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

This  survey  stresses  the  economic  value  of  adequate  play 
and  recreation  equipment,  and  recommends  a  permanent  play 
and  recreation  committee,  appointed  by  the  Madison  Board 
of  Commerce,  and  cooperating  with  the  city,  park,  school, 
church,  and  charity  officials.  This  committee  is  to  direct  and 
coordinate  with  various  recreation  agencies  of  the  city,  and 
to  prevent  especially  duplication  of  work  and  financial  waste. 
(70:  2  and  102.) 

At  the  request  of  the  Ipswich  School  Committee,  H.  R. 
Knight  of  the  Russell  Sage  Foundation,  made  a  recreation  sur- 
vey of  Ipswich,  Massachusetts,  in  1914.  This  is  published 
under  the  title  of  "Play  and  Recreation  in  a  Town  of  6>000." 
The  director  says  of  this  survey:  "Its  purpose  was  to  deter- 
mine what  the  schools  might  do  to  meet  the  recreation  needs 
of  the  community,  with  special  reference  to  the  school  children. 
As  the  investigation  progressed  the  larger  aspect  of  the  prob- 
lem demanded  attention  owing  to  their  inter-relation  with  most 
of  the  free  time  activities  of  the  people."  (65:  3.) 

This  survey  recommends  that  the  recreation  facilities  of 
Ipswich  be  administered  by  the  public  school  authorities  co- 
operating with  the  Park  and  Playground  Committees.  This 
plan  centralizes  authority  in  a  permanent  body  directly  re- 
sponsible to  the  people.  (65 :  66-71.) 

In  Illinois,  under  the  direction  of  R.  E.  Hieronymus,  Com- 
munity Advisor  of  the  University  of  Illinois,  there  is  now  be- 
ing conducted  a  state  wide  survey  of  the  school  and  the  com- 
munity. (52.)  Two  sets  of  detailed  and  searching  question- 
naires are  being  used. 

One  deals  with  the  various  activities  "apart  from  the  usual 
school  work,  carried  on  through  the  school  system  for  the 
betterment  of  the  community."  These  are  considered  under 
the  following  heads :  Educational,  Civic,  Health,  Social,  Recre- 
ational, Religious,  and  Miscellaneous.  These  topics  are  in- 
tended to  include  all  types  of  community  service,  apart  from 
the  regular  school,  rendered  by  the  school  to  the  community. 

The  other  questionnaire  includes  "the  educational  agencies 
independent  of  the  public  school,  or  connected  indirectly  with 
it."  In  great  detail  ten  large  pages  call  for  community  in- 
formation under  ten  topics:  1.  Library;  2.  Press;  3.  Moving 
pictures  and  theatres;  4.  Lectures,  lyceums  and  chautauquas; 
5.  Clubs;  6.  Schools  and  classes  not  elsewhere  included;  7. 


INTRODUCTORY— SMALL  TOWN  STUDY  43 

Health;  8.  Recreation;  9.  Religious;  10.  Special  "Days,"  oc- 
casions, etc.    (52.) 

This  Illinois  survey  is  not  alone  municipal,  and  is  not 
chiefly  recreational.  It  covers  all  sorts  of  activities  in  all 
kinds  of  communities,  in  a  very  comprehensive  manner.  It 
is  described  here  because  it  is  a  present  example  of  survey 
effort,  with  the  end  in  view  of  listing,  evaluating,  and  co- 
ordinating community  activities,  and  social  resources. 

The  observations  of  Dr.  Forbush  and  the  facts  of  the  sur- 
veys just  given,  are  noted  here  in  order  to  call  attention  to  the 
public  interest  in  the  problems  of  play  and  recreation,  and  to 
give  some  conception  of  the  ways  in  which  the  smaller  cities 
are  trying  to  meet  and  solve  these  problems.  At  a  conference 
on  recreation  in  towns  of  less  than  ten  thousand  population, 
held  during  the  last  Recreation  Congress  at  Grand  Rapids, 
Michigan,  this  statement  was  made  by  a  recreation  leader, 
and  was  unchallenged,  "Cities  of  less  than  10,000  people 
show  the  greatest  lack  of  interest  in  the  play  movement.  There 
commercial  recreation  is  the  dominant  factor."  (2:  162.)  In 
1910,  there  were  only  four  cities  in  Nebraska  having  a  pop- 
ulation of  more  than  10,000  each. 

B.    State  Regulations  Relating  to  Recreation 

It  is  only  within  the  last  twenty  years  that  recreation  has 
been  generally  considered  a  matter  of  public  concern.  In  1894, 
there  was  but  one  state  that  had  a  definite  recreation  law. 
(47.)  In  1907,  five  state  laws  were  passed  in  the  United  States 
relating  to  recreation.  In  the  seven  years  preceding,  six  state 
laws  were  enacted  dealing  with  the  subject.  In  1911,  twenty- 
seven  important  recreation  laws  were  passed  by  the  state  leg- 
islatures. (2:  2-3.)  The  number  has  increased  very  rapidly 
since  that  time.  Recent  state  laws  on  recreation  in  twenty- 
seven  states,  and  the  District  of  Columbia  are  given  in  the 
1915  edition  of  "Recreation  Legislation"  by  Lee  F.  Hanmer 
and  August  H.  Brunner.  (48 :  9-75.) 

City  laws  and  ordinances  are  of  course  much  more  numer- 
ous than  the  state  laws.  Twenty  pages  of  the  pamphlet  just 
mentioned  are  filled  with  typical  city  ordinances  on  recreation 
taken  from  the  laws  of  the  following  sixteen  cities:  Boston 
and  Brockton,  Massachusetts ;  Buffalo,  New  York ;  Charleston, 
South  Carolina ;  Cleveland,  Ohio ;  Detroit,  Michigan ;  Hartford, 
Connecticut ;  Holyoke,  Massachusetts ;  Los  Angeles,  California ; 
New  Britain,  Connecticut ;  Newport,  Rhode  Island ;  New  York, 


44  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

New  York;  Oakland,  California;  Providence,  Rhode  Island; 
Syracuse,  New  York ;  and  Worchester,  Massachusetts.  In  de- 
scribing these  city  ordinances  the  compilers  say,  'The  number 
of  city  laws  and  ordinances  on  this  subject  is  so  great  that  we 
are  including  in  this  pamphlet  only  those  that  are  typical  and 
that  illustrate  the  different  methods  used  locally  in  dealing 
with  public  recreation.'*  No  ordinance  in  the  list  is  over  eight 
years  old.  Only  three  are  over  five  years  old.  (48.) 

The  older  legislation,  state  and  municipal,  affecting  recre- 
ation was  chiefly  to  protect  society  from  those  whose  recrea- 
tional practices  were  in  some  way  objectionable  to  society. 

In  Nebraska,  as  in  the  other  states,  positive  legislation  re- 
lating to  recreation  is  a  recent  development.  Most  of  the  laws 
until  in  very  recent  years  were  attempts  to  prohibit,  regulate 
or  suppress,  forms  of  recreation  that  were  considered  ob- 
jectionable and  injurious  to  society  in  general,  or  to  certain 
classes  or  age  groups.  Sanitation  and  public  physical  safety 
of  recreation  places  have  been  given  considerable  attention 
in  recent  years. 

This  negative  legislation  has,  in  Nebraska,  dealt  chiefly 
with  cigarettes,  saloons,  billiard  halls,  bowling  alleys,  theatres, 
motion  picture  houses,  and  baseball.  It  is  not  necessary  to 
go  into  the  details  regarding  the  numerous  regulations  and 
restraints  placed  upon  many  recreational  agencies  by  these 
laws.  In  general,  the  laws  are  suppressive  and  destructive. 

Some  positive  and  constructive  recreational  legislation  has 
come  from  the  last  two  legislatures.  Two  laws  relating  to  the 
use  and  erection  of  public  buildings  for  community  purposes, 
may  add  much  to  the  public  recreation  facilities  of  the  cities 
of  the  state.  The  legislative  act  of  1915,  gives  boards  of  ed- 
ucation in  cities  and  villages,  and  electors  in  rural  school 
districts,  the  right  to  allow  the  people  of  the  community  to 
use  public  school  buildings  for  neighborhood  purposes.  This 
law  makes  it  legally  possible  for  every  school  house  in  the 
state  to  become  a  community  center.  (105 :  553-54.) 

The  municipal  auditorium  law  of  1917,  gives  to  cities  of 
the  second  class,  the  power  "to  accept  by  gift,  to  purchase,  or 
to  build"  an  auditorium,  and  "to  maintain,  manage,  and  operate 
the  same  for  the  benefit  of  the  inhabitants  of  said  cities."  (79.) 
Bonds  may  be  issued  for  the  purpose  of  purchasing  or  erecting 
such  a  building.  A  one-mill  tax  may  be  levied  to  maintain  it. 
The  mayor  and  the  council  levy  the  tax,  and  determine  how 


STATE  REGULATION  45 

the  building  shall  be  managed.  Important  recreational  agen- 
cies may  by  this  law  be  placed  under  full  control  of  the  cities. 

Another  step  toward  municipal  provision  for  recreation, 
was  made  by  the  law  of  1915,  which  is  titled  "An  act  to  author- 
ize all  incorporated  villages,  towns  and  cities  to  levy  a  tax  of 
not  more  than  one  mill  for  music  and  amusement  fund."  (105 : 
488.)  The  levy  for  this  fund  is  made  by  the  city  council  or 
village  board,  and  the  management  is  placed  with  a  committee 
on  municipal  amusements  and  entertainments.  This  commit- 
tee is  selected  from  the  council  or  board.  (105 :  488.)  Two  bills 
were  before  the  legislature  of  1917  to  permit  the  tax  levy  for 
the  music  and  amusement  fund  to  be  increased  to  two  mills. 
Neither  bill  passed. 

Another  measure  which  became  a  law  in  1915,  provides 
for  amusements  in  second  class  cities  and  villages,  by  giving 
the  local  authorities  the  power  or  right  to  levy  a  tax  of  not  less 
than  one  mill,  and  not  more  than  three  mills  annually  for  a 
park  fund.  This  fund  must  be  used  for  "amusements"  and  for 
developing  and  caring  for  parks.  (105:  228-229.) 

While  all  this  legislation  is  of  a  permissive  character,  it 
marks  a  distinct  step  in  advance  of  the  "power  to  restrain, 
prohibit  and  suppress"  recreation  legislation  that  preceded 
it.  Mandatory  laws  will  very  likely  in  a  few  years  follow  the 
optional  laws.  Public  assumption  of  activities  that  have  pre- 
viously been  left  to  non-governmental  agencies  are  apt  to  fol- 
low this  order. 

C.    An  Inventory  of  the  Public  Play  and  Recreation  Facilities 
of  the  Forty-Six  Cities  and  Villages 

In  1910,  twenty  and  four-tenths  per  cent  of  the  people  of 
Nebraska  lived  in  cities  and  villages  of  less  than  2,500  popu- 
lation. (109:  4.)  There  were  at  that  time  seventy-seven 
cities  and  villages  in  the  state  having  from  900  to  2,500  in- 
habitants each.  This  study  has  to  do  with  forty-six  of  the 
cities  and  villages  of  this  group;  twenty-eight  of  these  have 
a  population  of  from  900  to  1,500  each.  These  are  placed  in 
Class  I.  Class  II  includes  eighteen  cities  of  1,500  to  2,500  in- 
habitants each.  These  46  towns  are  distributed  over  36  of 
the  93  counties  of  the  state.  The  Class  I  towns  are  scattered 
over  22  counties.  The  18  towns  of  Class  II  are  in  18  different 
counties.  Cities  of  both  classes  are  in  four  counties. 

In  two  of  the  36  counties  the  number  of  inhabitants  per 


46 


MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 


square  mile,  in  1910,  was  from  2  to  6 ;  in  11  counties,  from  6  to 
18 ;  in  22  counties,  from  18  to  45 ;  and  in  one  county  from  45  to 
90.  When  the  density  of  the  population  of  the  state  is  consid- 
ered, the  distribution  of  the  cities  is  found  to  be  representa- 
tive. The  greatest  number  of  cities  are  in  the  southeast 
section  of  the  state,  where  the  population  is  from  18  to  45 
persons  per  square  mile.  The  fewest  cities  are  in  the  north- 
west, with  from  2  to  6  inhabitants  for  each  square  mile.  The 
central  section,  with  a  population  of  from  6  to  18  for  each 
square  mile,  is  represented  by  eleven  towns. 

Below  is  given  the  list  of  counties  in  which  the  46  towns 
are  located.  Unless  a  number  follows  the  name  of  the  county, 
there  is  but  one  town  in  each  county  in  each  class. 


Class  II  Towns 

1.  Boone 

2.  Burt 

3.  Butler 

4.  Cuming 

5.  Custer 

6.  Dawson 

7.  Fillmore 

8.  Johnson 

9.  Kearney 

10.  Lancaster 

11.  Merrick 

12.  Nuckolls 

13.  Pawnee 

14.  Saunders 

15.  Scott's  Bluff 

16.  Seward 

17.  Thayer 

18.  Valley 


Class  I  Towns 

1.  Boone 

2.  Buffalo 

3.  Cass 

4.  Cheyenne 

5.  Clay  (3) 

6.  Cuming 

7.  Dakota 

8.  Dawes  (2) 

9.  Fillmore 

10.  Franklin 

11.  Furnas  (2) 

12.  Harlan 

13.  Knox 

14.  Nemaha 

15.  Nuckolls 

16.  Pierce 

17.  Polk  (2) 

18.  Richardson 

19.  Saline 

20.  Sarpy 

21.  Sherman  (2) 

22.  Stanton 

Most  of  the  data  used  in  this  study  were  obtained  from 
the  mayors  of  the  forty-six  towns  and  villages.  Omitting 
Omaha  and  Lincoln  there  were,  in  1910,  one  hundred  places  in 
Nebraska,  each  of  which  had  a  population  of  900  or  more.  A 
questionnaire  was  sent  to  the  mayors  of  each  of  these  100 


RECREATIONAL  INVENTORY  47 

towns.  Replies  were  received  from  fifty-three  places.  There 
were  but  seven  returns  from  cities  having  a  population  of 
more  than  2,500  each.  These  ranged  from  2,600  to  10,000. 
The  reports  from  these  larger  places  were  not  so  complete  as 
those  from  the  smaller  towns.  On  account  of  the  wide  range 
of  population,  and  the  small  number,  and  incompleteness  of 
the  replies,  these  seven  cities  are  not  included  in  the  study. 

A  critical  examination  of  the  questionnaire  will  make 
quite  evident  the  reason  for  the  small  number,  and  the  incom- 
pleteness of  the  replies  from  the  larger  places. 

Below  are  given  the  essential  features  of  the  question- 
naire. A  brief  letter  explaining  its  purpose  was  sent  with  it 
to  each  mayor.  The  form  used  had  spaces  for  answers  and 
discussions  following  each  question  and  item.  The  question- 
naire was  sent  out  in  February,  1917. 

The  Questionnaire 

Means  provided  for  Play,  Recreation  and  Leisure: 
I.     By  the  City  of Paid  for  en- 
tirely or  in  part  by  city  funds : 

1.  Does  the  city  own  open  land  spaces  that  are  used  for 

play  and  recreation? How  many? 

Area  in  acres? The  approximate  value 

of  such  land? How  used? 

2.  Do  you  have  a  City  Hall? For  what  pur- 
poses is  it  used? 

3.  What  city  building  or  buildings  are  used  for  recrea- 
tion purposes? 

For  what  recreation  purposes? 

4.  Is  there  a  gymnasium  in  any  city  building?     (Not  in- 
cluding school  buildings) 

5.  Are  summer  concerts  or  other  music  provided  by  the 
city?  

6.  Does  the  city  provide  supervised  summer  playgrounds 
for  children? Open  how  many  weeks? 

7.  Any  other  places  or  means  provided  by  the  city?..r^.... 

8.  Does  your  city  levy  a  tax  for  amusements  or  park 
fund? If  so,  how  many  mills? 

9.  Is  there  a  move  on  the  part  of  the  city  or  of  the  peo- 
ple to  erect  a  community  building? '.    If  so, 

who  or  what  organization  is  back  of  the  movement? 
For  what  purposes  is  the  building  to  be  used? 


48  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

What  is  the  building  to  cost? 

Who  is  to  pay  for  it? 

10.  Is  there  any  move  on  the  part  of  the  city  to  acquire 
by  purchase  or  otherwise  lands  within  or  without  the 

city  for  parks  or  other  recreation  purposes? 

If  so,  please  describe  the  movement. 

II.  By  Commercial  Places,  for  profit : 

1.  How  many  Billiard  or  Pool  Halls? No.  of 

tables? 

2.  Bowling  Halls? No.  of  alleys? 

3.  Moving  Picture  Shows? 4.  Theatres  or 

Opera  Houses? 5.  Public  Dance  Halls? 

6.  Saloons? 7.  Baseball  Parks 

or  Athletic  Fields? 8.  Race  Tracks? 

9.    What  other  means  or  places? 

Please  indicate  by  number  which  of  above  Commer- 
cial places  are  regulated  by  city  ordinances.  Num- 
bers   

III.  By  the  Public  Schools : 

1.  Are  school  buildings  used  for  other  purposes  than  for 
regular  school  work  ? 

2.  Are  evening  or  night  schools  provided? 

If  so,  for  whom? 

How  many  weeks  each  year? 

3.  Are  school  buildings  used  for  social  or  recreation  pur- 
poses?     

In  what  ways  ? r 

4.  Is  there  a  gymnasium  in  a  school  building? 

5.  Does  the  School  Board  provide  for  summer  schools? 
For  summer  playgrounds? 

6.  What  other  means? 

IV.  By  the  Churches.  Unusual  uses  of  buildings: 

1.  How  many  church  buildings  and  buildings  used  for 
church  services  in  your  city? 

2.  How  many  of  these  have  reading  rooms? 

Recreation  or  game  rooms? 

3.  What  other  means  of  providing  for  play  and  recrea- 
tion?     

V.  By  other  Organizations  or  Groups  of  People: 

1.     Do  you  have  a  Commercial  Club? Does  the 

Club  have  recreation  or  game  rooms? 


RECREATIONAL  INVENTORY  49 

How  used? 

2.  Is  there  a  Lecture  or  Entertainment  Course  in  your 

city?  How 

managed?    

3.  Is  there  a  Chautauqua  each  year? How 

managed? 

4.  Did  your  city  have  a  Street  Fair  or  Carnival  last  sum- 
mer or  fall? 

5.  What  other  means? 

Are  the  public  play  and  recreation  facilities  of  your 

city  satisfactory? If  not,  what  changes  or 

improvements  would  you  suggest?    Please  answer  on 
the  back  of  this  sheet ;  also  use  the  back  of  this  sheet 
for  explanations,  or  additional  information. 

The  mayors  of  the  larger  cities  would  not  be  apt  to  have 
in  mind  the  intimate  detailed  knowledge  of  their  cities,  neces- 
sary to  fill  out  the  questionnaire.  To  secure  the  information 
from  other  sources  would  have  taken  time  and  been  trouble- 
some, so  it  was  not  done.  On  the  other  hand,  the  mayor  of  the 
small  place  would  in  most  cases  know  his  city  well  enough  to 
answer  the  questions  easily  and  quickly.  The  fact  that  these 
mayors  had  held  office  almost  one  year,  at  least,  when  the 
questionnaire  was  filled  out,  adds  materially  to  the  accuracy 
and  completeness  of  the  returns. 

The  mayor  of  a  small  town  in  his  official  capacity,  or  as 
an  observing  citizen,  would  very  likely  know  the  recreational 
conditions  of  his  community,  and  would  take  note  of  social 
welfare  or  other  unusual  community  movements.  He  would 
not  be  liable  to  allow  his  enthusiasm  for  a  particular  social 
reform,  or  a  special  activity  of  the  town,  to  color  his  opinion. 
Persons  active  in  social  or  religious  work  in  a  narrow  field 
are  usually  too  near  the  problem  to  see  it  in  its  real  relations. 
Taking  into  account  all  the  factors  in  the  case,  it  is  probable 
that  no  person  in  a  small  community  knows  better  the  entire 
social  situation,  or  would  report  it  more  fairly  than  the  mayor. 

The  returns  from  the  mayors  were  checked  and  supple- 
mented from  various  sources.  Many  facts  were  taken  from 
the  "Nebraska  State  Gazetteer  and  Business  Directory  for 
1917."  (77.) 

Public  play  and  recreation  activities  may  be  grouped  in 
various  ways.  The  following  grouping  will  be  used: 


50 


MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 


1.  Governmental  agencies.    These  include  all  play  and 
recreational  facilities  provided  by  the  city  or  board  of  edu- 
cation. 

2.  Commercial  agencies.    Here  are  included  all  agencies 
whose  chief  aim  is  selling  recreation.    Examples  are  motion 
picture  houses,  billiard  rooms  and  dance  halls. 

3.  Incidental  agencies.    These  are  commercial  agencies 
whose  chief  aim  is  selling  something  else,  but  which  incident- 
ally provide  means  for  positive  or  negative  recreation.    Sa- 
loons, barber  shops,  drug  stores  and  livery  stables  belong  to 
this  group. 

4.  Religious,  philanthropic  and  social  agencies.     This 
group  includes  churches,  Y.  M.  C.  A.'s,  chautauquas,  etc. 

5.  Unorganized  agencies.    Here  are  placed  all  agencies 
and  facilities  not  covered  by  the  other  groups.    Vacant  lots 
and  buildings,  lumber  sheds,  alleys,  etc.,  are  included.    This 
group  is  an  important  one  in  many  small  towns.    No  attempt 
is  made  in  this  study  to  deal  with  it. 

The  above  grouping  of  public  play  and  recreational  agen- 
cies is  an  adaptation  of  the  classifications  used  by  the  Madi- 
son Recreational  Survey,  and  the  Survey  Committee  on  Rec- 
reation, of  the  Board  of  Estimate  and  Apportionment,  New 
York  City,  1917.  (70  and  82.) 

The  governmental  agencies  that  contribute  to  the  play 
and  recreational  life  of  the  community  will  be  considered  first. 
These  are  listed  in  Table  I. 


TABLE  I 

Governmental  Agencies  of  Play  and  Recreation 

In  Class  II  Towns 
No.    Description 
8     Area,  5  to  14  A. 
11    By  Citizens,  3 
13     Not  public,  1 
13     Other  than  office 
use,  12 


In  Class  I  Towns 

Facilities 

No.       Description 

1. 

Parks 

15     Area,  5  to  23  A. 

2. 

Music 

16 

3. 

Libraries 

19     Not  public,  4 

4. 

City  Halls 

14     Other  than  office 

use,  12 

5.  School  Bldgs.     35 


6. 


Amusement 
or  Park  Tax 


Recreation  use,  11 
Gymnasiums,  18 


13 


35 


12 


Recreation  use,  9 
Gymnasiums,  13 


Total 

33 
27 
32 
27 

70 
20 
31 

25 


There  are  public  parks  in  fifteen  cities  of  Class  I,  and  in 


RECREATIONAL  INVENTORY  51 

eight  of  Class  II.  They  range  in  area  from  two  to  twenty- 
three  acres.  (Crawford  has  a  park  of  134  acres,  leased  per- 
petually from  the  United  States  Government.)  These  parks 
are  used  for  all  sorts  of  outdoor  sports,  concerts,  picnics,  and 
chautauquas.  Only  four  towns  report  special  park  equipment. 
One  city  (Broken  Bow)  floods  its  park  in  winter  for  skating. 

Summer  concerts  or  other  music  is  provided  by  sixteen 
cities  of  Class  I,  and  eleven  of  Class  II.  Three  cities  support 
concerts  by  private  contributions.  Twenty-five  of  the  forty- 
six  cities  levy  a  special  amusement  or  park  tax. 

There  are  public  libraries  in  nineteen  cities  of  Class  T, 
and  thirteen  of  Class  II.  Of  these  thirty-two  libraries,  nine 
were  built  during  1915-16;  eight  of  these  are  Carnegie  libra- 
ries. Four  cities  of  Class  I,  and  one  of  Class  II,  have  libraries 
that  are  not  supported  by  public  taxation.  These  are  main- 
tained by  women's  clubs  or  other  associations. 

Fourteen  Class  I  cities,  and  thirteen  Class  II,  have  city 
halls.  Twelve  in  each  class  are  used  for  other  purposes  than 
city  offices.  These  uses  are  chiefly  as  headquarters  for  fire- 
men, and  rooms  for  band  practice,  and  public  meetings. 

There  are  thirty-five  school  buildings  in  each  class  of 
cities.  There  are  eighteen  gymnasiums  in  Class  I,  and  thir- 
teen in  Class  II.  Twenty-five  high  schools  of  these  towns 
took  part  in  the  1917  state  basket  ball  tourney,  and  twenty- 
three  are  members  of  the  Nebraska  High  School  Debating 
League.  Four  cities  report  summer  supervision  of  school 
playgrounds;  one  a  summer  school.  Four  have  evening 
schools.  "Are  school  buildings  used  for  social  or  recreation 
purposes?"  was  answered  in  the  affirmative  by  eleven  cities 
of  Class  I  and  nine  of  Class  II.  The  purposes  usually  given 
were  basket  ball,  entertainments,  social  gatherings,  class 
parties  and  plays,  concerts  and  lectures.  One  city,  in  appar- 
ent despair,  reported,  " is  50  years  behind  the 

times  in  the  subjects  you  mention." 

The  commercial  agencies  considered  are  listed  in  Table 
II,  in  the  order  of  the  frequency  of  their  occurrence. 


52  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

TABLE  II 

Commercial  Agencies  of  Play  and  Recreation 

In  Class  I  Towns  In  Class  II  Towns        Total 

Facilities           No.    Description  No.    Description 

1.  Moving  ;         *         _;     \ 

Pictures  28     No.  of  houses,  30      *    17     No.  of  houses,  25      45 

2.  Opera  Houses  24  16                                        40 

3.  Billiard  Halls    22    42  halls,  220  tables  12    33  halls,  163  tables    34 

4.  Baseball 

Parks                 19    23  parks  12     14  parks                      31 

5.  Dance   Halls     14     18  halls  9     16  halls                       31 

6.  Race  Tracks     10  9                                        19 

7.  Bowling             12  8    10  halls                      20 

8.  Street  Fairs      10  8                                       18 

One  city  in  Class  II  has  no  moving  picture  show.  This 
city  is  built  around  a  church  college,  and  is  really  a  suburb 
of  the  state  capital.  Two  in  each  class  have  no  "opera  houses." 
Billiards  is  evidently  the  most  popular  indoor  game,  and  base- 
ball the  most  popular  outdoor  game.  Public  dance  halls  are 
found  in  just  half  of  the  towns.  The  nineteen  county  fair 
cities  account  for  the  nineteen  race  tracks.  Bowling  is  found 
in  but  twenty  places.  Street  fairs  or  carnivals  are  reported 
from  eighteen  towns.  One  city  has  a  skating  rink. 

Before  taking  up  the  incidental  agencies,  it  may  be  well 
to  restate  the  meaning  of  the  term.  These  agencies  are  com- 
mercial. Their  chief  aim  is  selling  something  besides  recrea- 
tion, but  incidentally  they  provide  recreation,  much  of  which 
may  be  of  a  questionable  character.  Persons  not  intimately 
acquainted  with  life  in  small  towns,  may  not  see  the  signifi- 
cance of  some  of  the  items  of  this  list.  These  agencies  are 
grouped  in  Table  III. 

TABLE  III 
Incidental  Agencies  of  Play  and  Recreation 

Column  1  shows  the  number  of  towns  in  each  class  that 
have  the  agencies  listed;  column  2  gives  the  total  number  of 
each  agency  in  each  class.  Column  3  is  the  total  of  columns 
1  and  1 ;  column  4  is  the  total  of  columns  2  and  2. 

Agencies  121234 

1.  Saloons  9     32      2     10     11     42 

2.  Drug  Stores        28     57     18     52     46    109 

3.  Restaurants         27     52     17     47     44     99 

4.  Barber  Shops       28     72     18     57     46    129 


RECREATIONAL  INVENTORY  53 

5.  Livery  Stables  26  42  18  30  44  72 

6.  Garages  25  50  17  47  42  97 

7.  Commercial  Clubs  19  19  15  15  34  34 

8.  County  Fairs  9  9  10  10  19  19 

9.  Newspapers  28  43  18  41  46  84 

The  state  prohibition  law  has  become  effective  since  these 
data  were  collected,  so  saloons  may  be  counted  out.  However, 
it  is  worth  noting  that  only  eleven  of  the  forty-six  towns  had 
saloons.  Drug  stores  and  restaurants  are  about  equal  in  num- 
ber, 109  and  99.  They  are  in  many  cases  also  ice  cream  and 
soda  parlors,  and  cigar  and  candy  stores.  Class  I  cities  have 
72  barber  shops;  Class  II,  57.  The  46  towns  have  72  liv- 
ery stables,  97  garages  and  auto  liveries. 

Only  eight  of  the  commercial  clubs  were  reported  as  hav- 
ing special  recreation  facilities.  Nine  cities  of  Class  I,  and 
three  of  Class  II  have  no  commercial  clubs.  County  fairs  are 
held  annually  at  nineteen  of  the  twenty-five  county  seats. 
They  usually  last  four  days. 

Newspapers  are  listed  in  this  group.  There  are  forty- 
three  local  papers  published  in  Class  I  towns  and  forty-one  in 
Class  II.  The  recreational  features  of  newspapers  have  de- 
veloped greatly  in  the  last  few  years.  Sensational  news, 
sports,  funny  columns,  cartoons,  and  so-called  funny  pages 
provide  real  recreation  for  many  readers.  The  patent  side 
of  local  papers  usually  abounds  with  these  attractions.  The 
influence  of  newspapers  and  magazines  not  published  locally 
is  undoubtedly  much  greater  than  that  of  the  local  press.  In 
many  respects  this  influence  is  not  good,  and  may  become 
anti-social  or  even  criminal.  (31:  92-93.) 

The  list  of  religious,  philanthropic,  and  social  agencies 
given  in  Table  IV  is  not  by  any  means  complete. 

TABLE  IV 

Religious,  Philanthropic  and  Social  Agencies  of  Play 
and  Recreation 

Class  I  Towns          Class  II  Towns          Total 
Agencies  No.  No 

1.  Churches  28—133  bldgs.         18—132  bldgs.  46 

2.  Chautauquas  26  17  43 

3.  Lecture  Courses  22  17  39 

4.  Boy  Scouts  43  12 

5.  Y.  M.  C.  A.'s  02  2 

6.  Y.  W,  C.  A.'s  00  0 


54  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

Of  the  265  church  buildings  in  the  forty-six  towns,  only 
thirteen  reading  rooms  are  reported  from  seven  places,  and 
fifteen  recreation  or  game  rooms  from  ten  places.  One  church 
gymnasium  and  one  church  tennis  court  are  reported.  Three 
churches  report  special  social  uses.  There  are  two  Y.  M.  C.  A. 
buildings  in  Class  II  cities.  There  are  only  thirteen  such  build- 
ings in  the  state.  The  total  membership  of  the  thirteen  asso- 
ciations is  a  little  less  than  8,000.  One-half  of  this  member- 
ship is  in  Omaha  and  Lincoln.  There  are  no  Y.  W.  C.  A.  build- 
ings in  these  towns.  There  are  but  two  such  buildings  in  the 
state — one  at  Omaha,  and  one  at  Lincoln.  There  are  three 
town  and  county  Y.  W.  C.  A.'s  in  the  state.  These  own  no 
buildings.  The  Y.  W.  C.  A.  membership  outside  of  the  county 
associations  is  about  3,500. 

Chautauquas  are  supported  by  forty-three  towns,  and  lec- 
ture courses  by  thirty-nine.  These  are  managed  by  various 
organizations  such  as  commercial  clubs,  public  schools,  li- 
braries, and  committees  of  citizens.  Twelve  towns  have  Boy 
Scout  Troops.  There  are  120  such  troops  in  the  state.  Each 
troop  numbers  about  twenty  boys.  There  are  85  groups  of 
Camp  Fire  Girls  in  the  state.  A  list  by  towns  is  not  available. 

In  Table  V  is  listed  the  public  recreation  facilities  of  the 
typical  town  of  each  Class.  Means  or  activities  are  counted 
as  typical,  if  they  appear  in  half  or  more  than  half  of  the  forty- 
six  places. 

TABLE  V 
Recreational  Facilities  of  the  Typical  Town  of  Each  Class 

Agencies  Class  I        Class  II 

I.  Governmental  No.  No. 

1.  Park  1  1 

2.  Municipal  Music  1  1 

3.  Library  1  1 
.  4.  City  Hall  1  1 

5.     School  Building  1  2 

II.  Commercial 

1.  Moving  Picture  Show  1  2 

2.  Billiard  Hall  2  3 

3.  Opera  House  1  1 
5.  Baseball  Part:  1  1 

III.  Incidental  ,  v 

1.    Drug  Store  »  23 


RECREATIONAL  INVENTORY  55 

2.  Barber  Shop  2  3 

3.  Livery  Stable  1  2 

4.  Garage  2  3 

5.  Restaurant  2  3 

6.  Commercial  Club  1  1 

7.  County  Fair  (If  county  seat)  1  1 

IV.    Religious,  Philanthropic,  and  Social 

1.  Church  5  7 

2.  Chautauqua  1  1 

3.  Lecture  Course  1  1 

In  the  typical  town,  government  provides  a  five  or  ten  acre 
park  with  very  little  equipment,  open  air  concerts  during  the 
summer  season  and  a  library  containing  from  1,500  to  2,000 
volumes.  The  city  hall  is  used  occasionally  for  recreation  and 
social  purposes.  The  public  school  gymnasium  is  used  for 
basket  ball  games.  Other  occasional  uses  of  school  buildings 
are,  class  functions,  school  plays,  concerts,  lectures  and  musical 
festivals. 

The  commercial  agencies  are,  in  part  at  least,  subject 
to  the  control  of  state  laws  and  local  ordinances.  One  or 
two  moving  picture  shows,  and  two  or  three  'billiard  halls  are 
constant  in  all  seasons.  The  dance  hall  is  not  so  firmly  es- 
tablished. Baseball  seems  to  be  commercialized. 

No  other  recreational  agencies  are  open  so  many  hours 
in  the  day,  and  so  many  days  in  the  week  as  1,  3,  4  and  5  of  the 
incidental  agencies.  (See  Table  V.) 

Small  towns  are  evidently  over-churched,  when  the  uses 
made  of  the  buildings  are  considered.  The  typical  Class  I  town 
has  five  churches;  the  Class  II  town  has  seven.  A  chautau- 
qua  and  a  lecture  course  are  found  in  the  typical  town  of  each 
class. 

Community  buildings  are  reported  from  three  cities. 
Steps  for  the  erection  of  community  buildings  are  reported 
from  eight  Class  I  cities,  and  six  Class  II  cities.  The  city  gov- 
ernment is  in  some  way  back  of  these  movements  in  nine 
places,  women's  clubs  in  two,  a  public  service  club  in  one,  pri- 
vate support  in  one,  and  the  citizens  in  one. 

The  question,  "Are  the  public  play  and  recreation  facilities 
of  your  city  satisfactory  ?"  was  answered,  "Yes"  by  nine  cities, 
eight  of  Class  I,  and  one  of  Class  II ;  and  "No"  by  twenty-one, 
twelve  Class  I,  and  nine  Class  II  cities.  Eight  cities  of  each 
Class  did  not  answer.  One  rty  reported,  "More  than  satis- 


56  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

factory;  too  much  recreation."  Fifteen  mayors  discussed 
changes  and  improvements  in  the  management  of  public  play 
and  recreation.  Their  attitude  toward  the  recreation  problem 
is  best  shown  by  quoting  their  statements.  These  are  given 
below.  i  |  ^| 

1.  "We  should  have  a  city  park  and  play  and  recreation 
ground  for  children.     We  should  have  a  down  town  public 
reading  room,  with  bowling  alleys,  and  billiard  tables  and  pool 
tables,  properly  looked  after  for  the  men,  and  public  places 
should  be  abolished." 

2.  "We  want  a  public  park  for  recreation  purposes." 

3.  "There  should  be  public  playgrounds,  baseball  for  the 
little  boys.    Band  concerts,  etc." 

4.  "I  would  suggest  an  athletic  park  and  public  playground 
for  one  thing,  and  a  building  of  some  kind  that  could  be  used 
for  public  gatherings  and  recreation  during  the  winter  months. 
Our  city  is  sorely  in  need  of  a  public  park  and  playground  as 
there  is  no  place  for  the  children  to  find  amusement." 

5.  "In  my  opinion  we  need  some  form  of  amusement  for 
our  children,  especially  during  summer  months.    We  also  need 
some  form  of  amusement  for  our  young  men  and  women." 

6.  "Our  town  is  not  as  progressive  as  other  towns.    It 
seems  like  our  business  men  are  all  for  themselves  and  for 
the  dollars." 

7.  "We  hear  a  great  deal  of  the  'conservation'  of  our  re- 
sources.   We  should  conserve  our  greatest  resources,  our  chil- 
dren, upon  whose  character  the  nation  depends.    Every  com- 
munity should  have  a  well  organized  community  building." 

8.  "I  feel  that  the  city  should  purchase  a  few  acres  of 
ground  adjoining  the  corporation,  where  fields  should  be  pre- 
pared for  outdoor  exercises  for  the  children  during  the  sum- 
mer months.    Swimming  pools  should  be  established." 

9.  "We  go  to  church  and  picture  shows  and  quit  at  that." 

10.  "There  is  a  sentiment  growing  favoring  the  establish- 
ment of  public  playgrounds,  and  gymnasium  which  the  Com- 
mercial Club  and  School  Board  will  no  doubt  endorse." 

11.  "I  do  not  thing  it  is  isufficient  as  the  children  are  not 
properly  cared  for  in  the  way  of  amusement/' 

12.  From  a  State  Normal  School  town :    "The  advantages 
of  the  Normal  are  open  to  the  citizens  of  the  town,  so  that  we 
do  not  feel  this  problem  as  some  places  do.  The  Normal  School 
Athletic  Field  and  Model  School  Playgrounds  are  at  all  times 


RECREATIONAL  INVENTORY  57 

open,  as  well  as  the  gymnasium,  library,  etc.  Numerous 
musical  entertainments,  literary  societies,  etc.  meet  these 
needs  of  our  people." 

13.  From  a  town  of  2,300  in  the  west-central  part  of  the 
state :    "Amusements  are  for  children  more  than  adults.    The 
man  or  woman  who  can't  amuse  himself  had  as  well  die  and 
be  done  with  it,  but  with  the  kids  it  is  different.    They  should 
have  good,  wholesome,  strenuous  amusement  handed  to  them 
where  it  would  be  supervised  and  looked  after  by  some  one 
authorized  so  to  do.     From  November  to  about  this  date 
(March  12)  I  have  provided  them  with  a  skating  pond  at  public 
expense  and  have  policed  and  supervised  it  in  the  interest  of 
the  children. 

"  I  permit  the  children  to  use  the  streets  and  side-walks 
for  all  kinds  of  games,  telling  them  to  keep  off  the  congested 
streets.  They  have  never  violated  my  instructions  nor  con- 
fidence. Roller  skates  are  used  to  quite  an  extent  on  the  side- 
walks  Baseball  is  played  on  the  streets  and  on 

vacant  lots The  schools  maintain  quite  a  library,  and 

we  have  a  Carnegie  library  also.  Both  are  well  patronized. 
A  lyceum  course  undertaken  by  the  high  school  during  the 

past  year  was  a  loss The  public  Service  Club  has  a 

contract  for  the  Chautauqua  for  the  coming  year.  We  buy 
the  program  outright  and  give  away  tickets  to  all  who  can- 
not afford  to  buy  them.  We  have  a  membership  of  75,  and 
are  growing.  We  maintain  a  thorough  reading  course — mag- 
azines— periodicals — papers — dailies  of  all  kinds.  We  have 
in  our  building  two  bowling  alleys,  four  billiard  and  pool  tables, 

piano,  victrola,  stage,  card  tables Wives  and  children 

of  members  are  welcome  at  any  time,  day  or  night.  Strangers 

are  given  the  privilege  of  the  club The  club  room 

is  modern  in  every  respect. 

"Picture  shows  are  well  attended I  never  saw  a 

picture  show that  did  not  have  a  suggestion  of  evil 

in  it.  As  they  are  run  now  they  are  breeders  of  vice 

They  are  the  next  thing  that  must  be  regulated  or  put  out  of 
business  in  the  state. 

"What  every  town,  every  community  in  fact,  needs,  is  a 

recreation  park  of  ten  acres  or  more The  question 

here  always  arises  as  to  how  to  pay  for  it.  We  do  it  only  by 
private  subscription." 

14.  From  a  western  town  of  1,200 :    "There  are  in  every 


58  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

community  people,  who,  having  no  children,  or  sense  of  com- 
munity interest  and  spirit,  'concentrated  in  self  are  opposed 
to  every  movement  in  the  general  public  interest  that  would  re- 
sult in  an  increase  of  taxation.  Their  conception  of  govern- 
mental efficiency,  apparently,  being  based  on  the  minimum  of 
taxation.  Therefore,  in  order  to  provide  for  community  build- 
ings, public  playgrounds,  publicly  supported  musical  concerts, 
parks,  good  roads,  and  the  conveniences  and  wholesome  recre- 
ation and  amusement  which  make  community  life  better  .... 
the  voting  of  bonds  within  reasonable  restrictions,  must  be 
expressly  provided  for  by  the  legislature,  and  all  unnecessary 
restraints  removed." 

15.  A  city  of  1,600  in  the  southeast  part  of  the  state: 
"We  had  some  ladies  here  last  summer  who  thought  we  ought 
to  have  a  teacher  to  teach  the  children  how  to  play.  I  offered 
to  hire  one,  if  they  could  find  a  business  man  who  was  making 
a  success  and  supporting  his  family  that  had  hired  a  teacher 
to  teach  him  to  play  when  he  was  young.  We  talked  about 
the  high  cost  of  living.  We  need  more  people  to  produce  than 
we  do  to  play.  I  think  more  of  one  man  who  causes  one  hill 
of  potatoes  or  one  onion  to  grow  than  I  do  of  all  the  play  busi- 
ness that  you  can  put  up." 

These  replies  show  a  keen  appreciation  of  the  recreation 
problem,  and  a  recognition  of  public  responsibility  for  its  so- 
lution. In  but  three  of  the  replies  (10,  11  and  15)  are  play 
and  recreation  clearly  looked  upon  as  children's  activities  only. 
The  others  recognize  recreation  as  a  community  problem.  In 
only  one  case  (15)  is  the  lack  of  sympathy,  and  the  entire  mis- 
conception of  public  needs  clearly  shown.  The  bearing  of  these 
replies  upon  the  entire  study  will  be  brought  out  in  division  E 
of  this  chapter. 

This  inventory  discloses  the  fact  that  the  public  recrea- 
tion facilities  of  the  Class  I  and  Class  II  cities  are  almost 
identical.  The  only  important  difference  is  in  the  number  of 
recreation  places  provided.  Only  three  Class  I  cities,  and  one 
Class  II  city  reported  other  means  of  play  and  recreation  pro- 
vided by  the  city  than  those  indicated  in  the  questionnaire. 
Four  Class  I,  and  three  Class  II  cities  reported  other  commer- 
cial means  besides  those  listed.  One  Class  I,  and  two  Class  II 
cities  mentioned  school  activities  not  suggested ;  and  two  cities 
in  each  class  reported  unusual  uses  of  church  buildings  not 
listed. 


RECREATIONAL  INVENTORY  59 

Though  this  inventory  is  not  complete,  it  includes  all  the 
important  public  facilities  for  play  and  recreation  in  these 
villages  and  cities.  The  uniformity  of  these  provisions  is  ap- 
parent, and  their  similarity  to  facilities  for  the  same  purposes 
in  larger  cities,  is  evident. 

D.   The  Utilization  and  Inadequacy  of  Public  Play  and 
f   Recreation  Facilities  in  the  Cities  and  Villages 

No  direct  attempt  has  been  made  through  the  question- 
naire to  find  out  how  often,  and  to  what  extent  the  play  and 
recreation  facilities  are  used  in  the  forty-six  towns  studied. 
However,  it  is  not  so  difficult  to  determine  this  from  other 
sources.  The  writer's  seventeen  years'  experience  as  principal 
and  superintendent  of  public  schools  in  five  villages  and  cities 
of  the  west,  central,  east,  northeast  and  southeast  parts  of 
Nebraska,  has  given  him  first  hand  knowledge  of  typical  towns 
of  the  groups  under  consideration.  This  experience  has  not 
been  confined  to  the  social  contacts  necessarily  incident  to  the 
management  of  village  and  city  schools.  During  the  last  eight 
years,  especially,  definite  practical  attempts  were  made  through 
the  schools,  and  other  social  betterment  forces,  to  understand, 
and  to  help  to  improve  play  and  recreation  facilities.  This 
statement  of  personal  experiences  and  interest  is  offered 
here  to  aid  the  reader  in  measuring  the  worth  of  the  interpre- 
tations of  the  data  under  consideration,  and  also  to  establish 
the  right  of  the  writer  to  introduce  facts  gained  through 
these  experiences. 

The  public  school  of  the  governmental  agencies,  perhaps 
the  most  important  and  the  most  far-reaching  in  its  influence, 
is  a  seasonal  institution.  It  is  usually  closed  three  months  in 
the  year.  During  these  three  months  no  use  is  made  of  the 
school  buildings.  Only  four  towns  report  summer  supervision 
of  playgrounds,  and  the  same  number  have  summer  and  even- 
ing schools.  It  is  common  practice  to  dismantle  school  play- 
grounds during  the  vacation  season  and  to  store  the  apparatus 
in  the  school  buildings.  Systematic  supervision  of  playgrounds 
is  not  usually  provided  even  during  the  school  days  of  the 
school  year. 

The  desire  to  win  in  school  athletic  contests  has  resulted 
in  making  school  gymnasiums  and  athletic  fields  largely  train- 
ing places  for  school  teams.  Evidence  of  this  is  shown  by  the 


60  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

fact  that  120  high  schools  of  Nebraska  sent  1,007  boys  to  the 
Seventh  Annual  Basketball  Tourney,  at  Lincoln  in  March,  1917. 
This  tourney  was  held  under  the  auspices  of  the  University 
of  Nebraska.  Twenty-five  of  the  forty-six  towns  considered 
in  this  study  sent  teams  to  this  tourney.  (103.)  Much  of  the 
athletic  energy  of  these  small  high  schools  is  spent  in  training 
teams  for  this  annual  event.  This  training  is  obtained  in  part 
through  games  with  neighboring  school  teams.  Public  use  of 
the  gymnasium  is  confined  largely  to  these  contests,  which  are 
held  usually  two  or  three  times  a  month  during  the  late  fall 
and  winter  season.  Thirty-one  towns  have  gymnasiums. 
Twelve  mention  basket  ball  first  in  giving  social  and  recrea- 
tional uses  of  school  buildings.  In  answer  to  the  question, 
"Are  school  buildings  used  for  other  purposes  than  regular 
school  work?"  seventeen  replied,  "Yes";  twenty-five,  "No"; 
four  did  not  answer.  Although  legally  permissible,  there  is 
not  by  any  means  complete  utilization  of  school  houses  as 
community  centers  or  for  public  recreation  purposes. 

The  public  libraries  of  these  towns  are  usually  open  on 
afternoons  and  evenings  during  the  entire  year.  The  num- 
ber of  patrons  indicates  the  use  made  of  the  reading  mat- 
ter. The  first  ten  Class  I  towns  selected  from  the  alpha- 
betical list,  have  an  average  of  648  patrons;  three  having 
less  than  500 ;  four  from  500  to  800 ;  and  three  from  800  to 
1,100.  (80:  18-20.)  Ten  Class  II  cities  selected  in  the  same 
manner  have  an  average  of  898  patrons.  Nine  representative 
libraries  of  Class  I  cities,  have  an  average  annual  circulation 
of  4,800  volumes ;  ten,  of  Class  II,  10,000  volumes.  (80 : 18-20.) 
When  these  facts  are  considered  in  connection  with  the  state- 
ment of  a  competent  investigator  that  74  per  cent  of  the  library 
books  drawn  by  young  people,  and  70  per  cent  of  those  drawn 
by  adults,  are  novels,  the  recreational  influence  of  the  public 
library  is  apparent.  (23:  108.) 

In  addition  to  the  regular  uses  of  the  library  buildings, 
some  communities  have  equipped  basement  rooms,  and  set 
them  apart  for  the  use  of  various  local  clubs,  thus  making  the 
library  building,  in  a  sense  at  least,  a  community  center.  A 
children's  reading  room,  a  children's  story  hour,  and  a  collection 
of  pictures  for  children  and  adults  are  common  in  these  li- 
braries. 

The  music  provided  by  the  towns  is  in  most  cases  band 
music.  It  is  given  generally  by  a  local  band  as  an  open  air  con- 


USE  OF  RECREATIONAL  FACILITIES  61 

cert,  one  evening  each  week,  or  every  other  week,  in  the  public 
park  or  at  some  central  point.  These  concerts  are  given  only 
during  the  summer  and  fall.  Being  informal  outdoor  affairs, 
they  really  become  neighborhood  centers,  places  where  neigh- 
bors and  friends  gather  in  groups  to  enjoy  music  and  to  visit. 
Incidentally,  they  attract  people  to  the  busines  center  of  the 
town,  and  add  to  the  evening  sales  of  the  stores. 

From  the  data  at  hand,  and  from  direct  observation,  it 
seems  safe  to  assert  that  the  city  halls  are  not  used  for  many 
recreation  purposes.  Quarters  for  volunteer  firemen  are  fre- 
quently provided.  These  in  some  instances  are  well-equipped 
game  rooms  and  dance  halls.  A  room  for  band  practice  is  also 
a  common  provision. 

Commercial  agencies  exist  for  gain,  so  they  are  open  to  the 
public  whenever  state  laws  and  city  ordinances  permit,  or  as 
much  as  the  patronage  will  justify  financially.  Motion  picture 
shows  in  these  towns  are  open  afternoons  and  evenings  or 
evenings  only.  Few  of  the  towns  of  Nebraska  permit  picture 
shows  to  open  on  Sundays.  In  1913,  only  seven  out  of  57  towns 
of  the  state  allowed  these  shows  to  open  on  Sundays.  (37:  136.) 

The  typical  Nebraska  town  of  Class  I  has  two  billiard  halls, 
each  containing  five  tables;  the  Class  II  town  has  three  halls 
of  eleven  tables  each.  These  halls  provide  in  most  of  the  towns 
the  only  public  indoor  game  privileges.  The  popularity  of  the 
game  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  twenty-two  Class  I  towns  have 
42  billiard  halls.  Eleven  out  of  twelve  Class  II  towns  reported 
the  number  of  billiard  tables.  These  reported  163  tables.  There 
are  33  halls  in  the  twelve  Class  II  towns.  In  the  thirty-three 
towns  of  both  Classes  reporting  there  are  383  billiard  tables, 
or  an  average  of  more  than  twelve  to  each  town.  These  facts 
prove  the  demand  for,  and  the  popularity  of  this  game.  The 
game  is  not  in  good  repute.  It  is  generally  under  the  ban  of 
the  church.  It  is  subject  to  stringent  state  and  local  regula- 
tions. However,  it  is  a  game  that  appeals  in  a  peculiar  way 
to  young  men ;  also  the  halls  provide  in  all  seasons  a  convenient, 
interesting  and  comfortable  loafing  place  for  men  of  all  classes. 

The  coming  of  the  motion  picture  show  has  made  a  cheap 
means  of  amusement  easily  accessible  to  all.  Every  town  ex- 
cept one,  a  suburb  of  Lincoln,  has  at  least  one  motion  picture 
show.  The  growth  of  the  motion  picture  shows  has  resulted 
in  a  decrease  in  the  number  of  traveling  shows,  and  so  in  less 
frequent  use  of  the  "opera  houses."  Forty  of  the  forty-six 


62  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

towns  still  have  opera  houses.  In  some  cases  they  are  used 
also  for  public  dance  halls. 

Baseball  ranks  first  among  the  out-door  sports  of  these 
towns.  There  are  thirty-one  baseball  parks  in  the  forty-six 
towns.  This,  of  course,  is  a  seasonal  game.  The  other  com- 
mercial agencies  are  seasonal  or  transitory.  The  carnival  or 
street  fair  is  a  transient,  commercial  agent  that  seems  to  be 
passing  away. 

Many  of  the  incidental  agencies  are  unique  in  the  con- 
stancy of  their  influence.  No  other  agencies  of  public  play  and 
recreation  are  so  continually  available  for  all,  as  are  most  of 
these.  Necessity,  custom  and  legal  provisions  permit  drug 
stores,  restaurants,  livery  stables  and  garages  to  keep  open 
for  business  day  and  night  throughout  the  year.  No  legal  re- 
strictions are  placed  upon  attendance  at  these  places.  They 
are  open  practically  all  of  the  time,  to  all  who  wish  to  take 
advantage  of  the  indirect  recreation  provided.  The  paucity 
of  proper  recreational  facilities  for  the  young  especially,  in 
small  towns  forces  them  to  seek  the  Indirect  means  offered  by 
the  incidental  agencies. 

Of  the  thirty-four  commercial  clubs  of  the  forty-six  towns 
only  eight  are  mentioned  as  providing  continuous  means  of 
recreation.  Occasional  social  functions  are  held  by  these  clubs 
in  many  of  the  towns.  The  membership  of  the  clubs  is  made 
up  in  most  cases  of  business  men  only.  Their  recreational 
influence  is  wielded  chiefly  through  their  prestige  in  city  gov- 
ernment in  securing  and  financing  public  entertainments  that 
primarily  bring  trade  to  town.  The  reported  recreational 
uses  of  the  club  rooms  are  cards,  billiards  and  other  indoor 
games. 

Not  all  the  places  and  means  included  in  the  incidental 
group  are  listed  in  Table  III.  To  those  given  in  the  table  may 
be  added  the  following,  which  are  common  to  all  the  towns, 
either  as  separate  establishments,  or  as  departments  of  other 
businesses — candy  shops,  tobacco  shops,  news  stands,  ice  cream 
and  soda  parlors,  and  railroad  depots.  Any  one  who  knows 
intimately  the  ins  and  outs  of  life  in  small  towns,  cannot  fail 
to  realize  the  importance  of  many  of  these  incidental  agencies. 
They  provide  convenient  and  much  used  meeting  places  for 
young  people,  and  since  there  is  no  equipment  for  active  recre- 
ation, and  no  direct  supervision  of  conduct,  there  is  often  a 
tendency  towards  dissipation  rather  than  recreation.  The  fact 


USE  OF  RECREATIONAL  FACILITIES       J  63 

that  all  the  important  incidental  agencies  offer  only  indoor 
attractions,  adds  to  the  possible  banef  ulness  of  their  influences. 
In  studying  Table  V  one  is  impressed  with  the  fact  that  the 
incidental  agencies  provide  more  places  for  recreation  than 
any  of  the  other  agencies.  The  lead  in  numbers  and  in  avail- 
ability help  to  make  these  agencies  an  important,  but  in  a  large 
measure  an  undetermined,  and  an  unrecognized  factor  in  public 
recreation. 

In  one  sense  the  religious,  philanthropic  and  social  agencies 
are  incidental.  These  agencies  do  not  exist  for  the  purpose  of 
providing  play  and  recreation.  Their  chief  purposes  are  in- 
dicated by  their  names.  Experience  has  proved  that  in  some 
cases  the  ends  for  which  they  exist  can  best  be  attained  by  pro- 
viding some  means  of  play  and  recreation  as  an  incentive  to 
those  who  are  to  be  the  recipients  of  the  higher  values. 

Perhaps,  no  institution  has  been  so  slow  to  recognize  this 
ancillary  use  of  play  and  recreation,  and,  in  fact,  of  all  forms 
of  social  service,  as  the  church.  'The  church  must  recognize 
that  social  conditions  affect  the  spiritual  side  of  life,  and  that 
spiritual  conditions  affect  the  social  side  of  life."  (16:  5.) 
"When  the  church  actually  labors  at  the  tasks  of  evangelism 
and  social  service,  they  are  found  to  be  inter-dependent.  So- 
cial service  is  found  to  have  definite  evangelistic  values,  and 
evangelism  to  have  genuine  social  values."  (117:  2.) 

The  data  with  reference  to  unusual  uses  of  church  build- 
ings point  to  the  failure  of  the  churches  in  these  communities 
to  realize  the  truth  of  the  above  statements.  There  are  133 
churches  in  the  28  Class  II  towns,  or  an  average  of  five  for 
each  town.  That  means  in  general  one  church  building  for 
each  300  persons.  The  proportion  is  almost  the  same  for  the 
18  Class  II  cities,  which  have  132  churches,  or  seven  for  each 
city.  With  the  exception  of  the  home,  no  other  institution 
of  civilization  in  these  cities  owns  so  many  buildings  as  the 
church. 

The  reported  unusual  uses  of  these  265  churches  are  as 
follows:  Seven  cities  have  thirteen  churches  with  reading 
rooms;  ten  have  fifteen  churches  maintaining  recreation  or 
game  rooms ;  one  church  gymnasium  is  reported ;  and  in  three 
cases  special  mention  is  made  of  social  uses. 

Of  course,  one  must  not  fail  to  take  account  of  the  fact 
that  many  of  the  ordinary  uses  of  churches  are  at  least  in 
part  recreational.  Religion  at  its  best  is  a  mode  of  relaxation. 


64  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

Its  highest  exercise  decreases  stress  and  tension,  and  tends 
to  shift  responsibility  to  a  higher  power,  so,  is  in  a  true  sense 
recreational.  (86:  85.)  The  informal  social  features  of  regular 
church  services  in  small  cities  add  to  their  recreational  value. 
The  formalism  and  stiffness  commonly  characterstic  of  church 
exercises  in  large  cities  are  not  prevalent.  The  people  meet 
as  neighbors  and  friends. 

Sunday  preaching  is  but  a  small  part  of  the  activities  that 
are  common  to  practically  all  church  organizations.  The  Sun- 
day school  with  its  occasional  special  programs,  the  young 
people's  meetings,  the  class  organizations,  the  various  church 
socials,  choir  practices  and  the  casual  entertainment,  include 
most  of  the  extra  activities  of  the  average  church. 

Attendants  at  regular  church  services  in  small  towns, 
and  also  in  large  cities  for  that  matter,  are  accustomed  to  hear 
the  ministers  recount  each  Sunday  the  numerous  religious, 
semi-religious,  educational,  social  and  recreational  functions 
and  activities  of  their  congregations  and  the  community  for 
the  current  week.  These  various  affairs  are  not  all  held  in  the 
church  buildings.  The  church  buildings  are  not  at  all  con- 
sidered social  or  recreation  centers  for  the  congregations. 
Some  pastors  and  church  officials  regard  many  of  these  activ- 
ities as  dangerous,  and  will  not  allow  them  to  be  held  in  the 
church  buildings. 

A  church  in  small  towns  is  so  rarely  used  avowedly  for 
recreational  purposes  that  it  would  undoubtedly  attract  atten- 
tion. The  mayors  report  but  six  per  cent  of  the  total  number 
of  churches  so  used.  A  small  gymnasium,  little  used,  is  listed 
as  a  part  of  the  equipment  of  one  church.  The  other  direct 
provisions  for  recreation  are  recreation  or  game  rooms.  With 
only  six  church  buildings  in  a  hundred  utilized  directly  for 
play  and  recreation  purposes,  it  seems  evident  that  the  Chris- 
tian people  of  these  small  cities  do  not  recognize  the  importance 
of  the  relation  of  play  and  leisure  to  religious  life. 

While  there  is  a  church  building  in  these  towns  for  every 
300  persons,  it  does  not  at  all  follow  that  the  recreational  facil- 
ities offered  by  the  churches  are  available  and  utilized  by  all 
of  the  people.  In  the  United  States  as  a  whole  about  one-third 
of  the  population  is  affiliated  with  some  church.  (121 :  598-599.) 
Statistics  show  that,  in  1906,  there  were  346,000  church  mem- 
bers in  Nebraska.  (25:226.)  This  was  very  nearly  one-third 
of  the  population  at  that  time. 


USE  OF  RECREATIONAL  FACILITIES  65 

The  multiplicity  of  denominations,  and  denominational 
strife  and  jealousy  which  are  common  especially  in  small  cities 
tend  to  alienate  people  from  church  attendance.  A  town  of 
1,500  people  cannot  support  five  pastors  of  wide  training,  and 
insight  into  present  social  conditions  and  social  needs,  This 
is  another  factor  that  militates  against  church  attendance  and 
affiliation,  and  prevents  the  church  from  rendering  the  service 
to  the  community  that  it  would  render  under  more  efficient 
leadership.  Not  all  of  the  pastors  of  these  small  churches  lack 
training  and  social  vision,  but  as  a  rule  the  small  congrega- 
tions are  unable  to  provide  an  income  sufficient  to  attract  well 
trained  men,  and  even  if  they  are  secured,  they  are  usually 
handicapped  by  inadequate  equipment  and  conservative  church 
officials.  In  1906,  the  average  salary  of  ministers  in  the  United 
States  was  $663  a  year.  The  average  annual  salary  of  min- 
isters outside  of  the  principal  cities  (cities  of  less  than  25,000) 
was  $573.  (25:94-95.) 

It  seems  that  little  can  be  expected  from  the  churches  in 
these  cities  in  the  way  of  providing  recreation,  as  long  as  de- 
nominational lines  are  drawn  as  closely  as  they  are  now.  Too 
much  of  the  energy  of  the  small  church  is  expended  in  keeping 
up  traditional  religious  activities — in  keeping  itself  alive — to 
permit  the  introduction  of  many  socializing  influences,  or  to 
affiliate  with  other  social  service  groups  in  providing  for  the 
care  of  community  leisure  in  other  buildings.  A  case  to  the 
point,  the  facts  of  which  came  from  the  principal  of  the 
public  schools  of  a  Nebraska  town  of  about  1,000  people,  illus- 
trates this  conservatism  of  the  church  with  reference  to  recre- 
ation. In  this  town  a  community  club  had  rallied  the  people  to 
the  support  of  a  tangible  proposition  for  securing  a  community 
building.  Provisions  for  the  necessary  funds  had  been  worked 
out.  The  movement  had  reached  the  stage  where  definite  plans 
for  the  erection  of  the  building,  and  necessarily  the  uses  to  be 
made  of  it,  were  discussed.  At  this  point  a  large  number  of 
the  citizens  wanted  the  building  planned  for  billiards.  The 
conservative  church  men  objected.  The  discussions  then  ran 
into  other  uses  of  the  building.  Dancing  and  card  playing  were 
proposed  and  advocated  by  some.  Church  men  straightway 
withdrew  their  support  from  the  entire  proposition.  The  com- 
munity divided,  and  the  community  building  movement  im- 
mediately collapsed.  This  town  had  two  commercial  billiard 


66  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

halls  and  a  dance  hall.  At  the  next  town  election  the  billiard 
halls  were  voted  out  by  a  vote  of  89  to  88. 

The  small  church  buildings  cannot  well  be  adapted  to  meet 
the  requirements,  even  in  a  small  way,  of  the  institutional 
church.  The  movement  toward  the  federation  of  American 
churches  has  affected  the  small  towns  very  little.  There  is, 
however,  a  tendency  toward  cooperation  among  the  churches 
of  the  same  town.  Ministerial  associations,  union  meetings 
and  interchange  of  pulpits  among  the  pastors,  are  indications 
of  this  cooperative  spirit.  In  a  recent  study  of  the  recreation 
facilities  and  social  activities  of  the  churches  of  Nebraska, 
it  was  found  that  out  of  thirty  villages  and  towns  in  Classes  I 
and  II,  there  were  twelve  ministerial  associations.  In  only 
five  of  the  twelve  towns,  were  all  the  pastors  members  of  the 
association.  There  is  little  evidence  of  loss  of  denominational 
identity,  though  there  is  evidence  of  the  breaking  down  of  de- 
nominational prejudices.  As  has  been  pointed  out,  many 
changes  seem  necessary  before  much  progress  can  be  made  by 
religious  organizations  towards  meeting  social  obligations  and 
recreational  needs.  So  it  appears  that  fuller  utilization  of 
present  church  plants  for  recreation  purposes  cannot  be  ex- 
pected  in  the  near  future. 

Chautauquas  and  lecture  courses  are  not  always  easily 
maintained,  though  forty-three  of  the  towns  hold  chautauquas 
and  thirty-nine  have  lecture  courses.  The  character  of  the 
programs  offered  by  these  organizations  has  changed  within 
the  last  two  decades.  There  has  been  a  constant  tendency  in 
both  cases  to  offer  entertainment  courses  rather  than  solid 
lectures,  and  other  heavy  matter.  This  change  has  undoubt- 
edly helped  to  place  these  recreational  activities  in  almost  every 
town  and  city.  A  lecture  course  consists  generally  of  from 
four  to  seven  numbers.  The  chautauquas  last  from  five  to  ten 
days. 

No  attempt  has  been  made  to  secure  data  for  all  of  the 
religious,  philanthropic  and  social  agencies.  The  number  and 
complexity  of  these  agencies  make  them  very  bewildering, 
for  here  are  included  social  and  philanthropic  clubs,  associations 
of  all  sorts,  and  fraternal  orders.  These  organizations  are 
characterized  generally  by  the  narrowness  of  their  purposes. 
Each  is  usually  built  around  a  single  idea,  or  a  group  of  closely 
related  ideas,  and  in  striving  to  attain  its  desired  end  or  ends, 
does  not  readily  cooperate  with  other  social  forces.  This  keeps 


USE  OF  RECREATIONAL  FACILITIES  67 

most  of  the  activities  rather  closely  confined  to  a  more  or  less 
selected  membership.  For  these  reasons,  many  of  the  relig- 
gious,  philanthropic  and  social  agencies  cannot  be  classed  as 
public,  but  are  rather  semi-private,  and  the  numerous  recrea- 
tional facilities  that  are  common  to  them  cannot  be  considered 
as  subject  to  utilization  by  the  public.  Their  recreational  ac- 
tivities are  generally  restricted  to  the  membership.  The  more 
serious  purposes  of  these  organizations  are  usually  presented 
in  contacts  with  the  public. 

Not  enough  community  buildings  are  in  use  in  these 
towns,  and  their  growth  has  been  too  recent  to  enable  one 
to  determine  to  what  extent  the  facilities  offered  by  such 
buildings  would  be  utilized  by  the  public  for  play  and  recrea- 
tion. Only  three  of  the  forty-six  towns  report  community 
buildings.  The  term  "community  building"  varies  in  meaning 
for  each  community,  so  the  local  definition  of  the  term  is  neces- 
sary in  order  to  know  just  what  it  includes  or  does  not  include. 

One  so-called  community  building  or  community  center 
consists  of  a  public  library  with  club  rooms  in  the  basement; 
(80:  7.)  another  provides  a  library,  gymnasium,  swimming 
pool,  auditorium  and  social  rooms;  while  the  third  one  is  a 
Y.  M.  C.  A.  building  and  public  library,  in  which  are  housed 
a  complete  City  Y.  M.  C.  A.,  a  High  School  Y.  W.  C.  A.,  and  a 
public  library.  The  basement  rooms  of  the  library  of  the 
third  building  are  used  by  various  local  clubs,  and  the  gym- 
nasium of  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  is  also  used  as  an  auditorium.  Social 
and  game  rooms  are  provided  in  each  of  the  Association  sections 
of  the  building.  The  gymnasium  is  used  by  the  two  Asso- 
ciations. As  an  auditorium,  the  large  gymnasium  is  used  for 
lecture  courses,  festivals,  banquets,  local  talent  plays,  various 
public  school  activities,  etc. 

The  play  and  recreational  facilities  offered  in  this  third 
building  are  used  constantly.  The  actual  uses  of  this  build- 
ing from  January  1,  1917,  to  June  1,  1917,  as  reported  by  the 
secretary  of  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  and  the  librarian  of  the  public 
library,  are  as  follows :  public  meetings,  23 ;  lectures,  6 ;  public 
school  exercises,  3;  local  plays,  3;  socials,  11;  banquets  and 
"feeds,"  5;  gymnasium  classes,  62;  special  stunts,  8;  other 
play  and  recreation  uses,  28.  This  makes  a  total  of  149  uses 
in  six  months. 

Not  one  of  these  community  buildings  is  maintained  en- 
tirely by  taxation.  Only  the  public  library  part  is  so  supported. 


68  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

The  other  facilities  are  provided  by  voluntary  contributions, 
and  fees,  rents  and  donations  from  local  organizations,  and 
others  that  use  the  buildings. 

The  facts  presented  clearly  show  that  there  is  generally 
a  wide  use  made  of  public  play  and  recreation  facilities.  Gov- 
ernment is  not  apt  to  provide  for  that  which  is  not  used,  and 
is  very  slow  to  take  over  new  activities,  or  those  that  have 
previously  been  cared  for  by  non-governmental  organizations 
or  agencies.  This  conservatism  on  the  part  of  city  govern- 
ments is  the  chief  cause  of  the  inadequacy  of  governmental 
provisions  for  public  play  and  recreation,  and  of  their  failure 
to  allow  the  public  to  fully  utilize  the  play  and  recreation 
facilities  at  governmental  command.  The  limited  uses  of  city 
halls,  libraries  and  school  buildings  are  examples  of  these  re- 
strictions. 

The  very  existence  of  the  commercial  and  incidental 
agencies  is  proof  of  public  patronage.  The  adoption  and  ex- 
tension of  means  of  play  and  recreation  by  religious,  philan- 
thropic and  social  agencies,  as  an  aid  in  attaining  their  desired 
ends,  is  certain  evidence  of  public  demand  and  public  response. 

The  trend  of  public  opinion  with  reference  to  public  play 
and  recreation,  as  expressed  in  the  responses  of  the  mayors, 
given  in  division  C  of  this  chapter,  and  the  trend  of  public 
action  along  the  same  lines  as  expressed  by  the  erection,  and 
movements  for  the  erection  of  community  buildings,  are  in- 
dicative of  the  inadequacy  and  the  inefficiency  of  present  facil- 
ities for  public  play  and  recreation  in  these  villages  and  cities. 

E.  The  Evaluation  and  Meaning  of  the  Complex  and  Over- 
Lapping  Agencies  of  Public  Play  and  Recreation 

From  the  evidence  produced  in  the  preceding  divisions  of 
this  chapter  it  appears  that  the  complex  and  almost  system- 
less  and  non-cooperative  agencies  of  public  play  and  recrea- 
tion in  the  forty-six  cities  and  towns  of  Nebraska  are  not  pro- 
viding adequate  and  efficient  facilities  for  public  play  and 
leisure.  The  means  of  public  play  and  recreation  seem  to  be  as 
fully  utilized  as  controlling  authorities  will  permit.  The  nu- 
merous facilities  provided  in  these  towns,  and  the  trend  of  pub- 
lic action  and  public  opinion  towards  the  extension  of  these 
facilities  are  facts  full  of  significance. 

It  is  the  chief  purpose  of  this  division  to  account  for  the 


MEANING  OF  OVER-LAPPING  AGENCIES  69 

growing  demand  in  these  towns  for  play  and  recreation  out- 
side of  the  home,  and  to  attempt  to  determine  why  these  ac- 
tivities are  being  assumed  by  agencies  that  formerly  almost 
entirely  discarded  them. 

The  inventory  of  the  public  play  and  recreation  facilities 
given  in  division  C  of  this  chapter  discloses  the  fact  that  the 
recreational  features  of  these  towns  do  not  differ  much  in 
kind  from  those  of  the  large  cities.  In  these  provisions  at 
least  the  small  town  seems  to  be  a  large  city  in  miniature. 
The  replies  of  the  mayors,  and  the  inventory  itself,  point  to- 
ward the  tendency  of  the  small  town  to  transplant  into  its 
midst  the  activities  of  the  big  city. 

Nebraska  is  essentially  an  agricultural  state.  In  1910, 
73.9  per  cent  of  the  inhabitants  lived  in  rural  districts — that 
is,  outside  of  incorporated  places  having  2,500  inhabitants 
or  more.  The  largest  city  in  the  state  (Omaha)  had  a  popu- 
lation of  124,096,  and  there  were  two  cities  (South  Omaha 
and  Lincoln)  having  between  25,000  and  50,000  inhabitants 
each.  At  that  time  there  was  one  city  with  a  population  of 
10,000;  nine  between  5,000  and  10,000;  and  twelve  between 
2,500  and  5,000.  (109:  2-4.) 

According  to  the  classification  of  the  United  States  Census 
Bureau,  the  villages  and  cities  under  consideration  in  this 
study  are  parts  of  rural  communities.  A  study  of  the  dis- 
tribution of  the  forty-six  villages  and  cities  shows  that  one 
place  is  in  direct  contact  with  Lincoln.  Twelve  are  between 
twenty  and  fifty  miles  from  Lincoln,  and  five  are  between 
twenty  and  fifty  miles  from  Omaha.  Omitting  the  cities  that 
are  counted  twice  in  the  over-lapping  of  the  fifty  mile  radii 
from  Omaha  and  Lincoln,  there  are  nine  places  out  of  the 
forty-six  that  are  between  twenty  and  fifty  miles  from  these 
cities,  and  one  place  in  contact  with  Lincoln.  There  is  one 
city  outside  of  the  state  (Sioux  City,  Iowa)  as  large  as  Lin- 
coln that  is  within  fifty  miles  of  three  places  not  included  in 
the  distances  from  Omaha  and  Lincoln. 

The  cities  of  Nebraska  are  not  connected  by  interurban 
electric  railways.  The  southeast  one-fourth  of  the  state  is 
quite  well  supplied  with  railroads.  There  are  over  6,000  miles 
of  railroads  in  the  state.  Excellent  public  highways  are  com- 
mon throughout  the  state,  and  automobiles  are  in  common  use 
all  over  the  state. 


70  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

While  facilities  for  travel  are  good,  at  least  in  the  south- 
east one-third  of  the  state,  the  distance  of  most  of  the  towns 
studied  from  the  only  two  cities  of  the  state  that  can  be  classed 
as  large  cities,  is  so  great  that  it  practically  precludes  very 
much  influence  of  these  two  cities  by  direct  contact  with  the 
smaller  places.  Evidently  the  tendency  of  these  smaller  places 
to  adopt  and  adapt  the  recreational  features  of  large  cities 
cannot  be  caused  by  direct  influence  of  large  cities.  Most  of 
these  towns  are  located  in  rich  agricultural  regions,  and, 
so  far  as  distance  from  one  another,  or  from  more  densely 
populated  places,  is  concerned,  are  isolated  communities. 

When  one  considers  that  the  rural  population  of  the 
United  States  in  1910  was  53.7  per  cent  of  the  total  popula- 
tion, and  that  in  individual  states  there  was  a  variation  in 
rural  population  from  3.3  per  cent  in  Rhode  Island,  to  88.5 
per  cent  in  Mississippi,  the  ruralness  of  Nebraska  becomes 
more  significant.  The  ruralness  is  even  more  apparent  when 
we  consider  the  number  of  dwellings,  and  the  number  of  fam- 
ilies in  the  state.  According  to  the  census  of  1910  there  were 
258,967  dwellings,  and  265,549  families  in  Nebraska.  That 
is,  only  in  a  very  few  cases  did  more  than  one  family  occupy 
a  dwelling.  (110:  51.)  Only  seventeen  states  have  a  higher 
per  cent  of  rural  population  than  has  Nebraska.  Nearly  four- 
fifths  of  the  land  area  of  the  state  is  in  farms. 

Nebraska's  population  is  typically  American.  In  1910, 
53.9  per  cent  were  native  born  whites  of  native  parents ;  30.4 
per  cent  were  native  born  whites  of  foreign  or  mixed  parents ; 
and  14.8  per  cent  were  foreign  born  whites.  In  the  United 
States  as  a  whole,  14.7  per  cent  of  the  population  is  for- 
eign born.  Of  the  foreign  born  whites  in  Nebraska  in  1910, 
32.6  per  cent  were  German ;  13.9  per  cent,  Austrian ;  13.2  per 
cent,  Swedish;  7.8  per  cent,  Danish;  7.4  per  cent,  Russian;  4.6 
per  cent,  Irish ;  4.6  per  cent,  English ;  4.2  per  cent,  Canadian ; 
2.2  per  cent,  Italian;  2  per  cent,  Greek;  other  countries,  7.9 
per  cent.  (110:  44  and  50.) 

These  facts  relating  to  the  composition  and  distribution 
of  population,  resources,  and  industries  of  Nebraska  are  given 
here  in  order  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  the  forty-six  towns 
under  consideration  are  essentially  isolated  rural  commun- 
ities, located  in  agricultural  regions,  and  have  a  representa- 
tive American  population.  A  ten-minute  walk  in  any  direc- 


MEANING  OF  OVER-LAPPING  AGENCIES  71 

tion  from  the  center  of  almost  any  town  in  the  list  would  take 
one  out  into  the  country,  into  open  cultivated  fields. 

In  chapter  iii  are  enumerated  some  of  the  important  in- 
fluences that  have  in  recent  years  caused  the  play  and  recre- 
ation problem  to  occupy  an  increasingly  prominent  place  in 
public  interest.  Perhaps,  the  factors  of  the  problem  as  dis- 
cussed in  that  chapter  may  not  carry  the  same  values  when 
applied  to  conditions  in  small  towns.  A  re-examination  of 
some  of  these  factors  with  special  reference  to  their  applica- 
tions to  the  case  in  hand,  may  help  toward  the  purpose  of 
this  division.  Physical  isolation  does  not  necessarily  carry 
with  it  social  isolation,  nor  does  physical  proximity  insure 
socialization.  "Persons  do  not  become  a  society  by  living  in 
physical  proximity,  any  more  than  a  man  ceases  to  be  socially 
influenced  by  being  so  many  feet  or  miles  removed  from 
others.  A  book  or  a  letter  may  institute  a  more  intimate  as- 
sociation between  human  beings  separated  thousands  of  miles 
from  each  other,  than  exists  between  dwellers  under  the  same 
roof."  (26:  5.)  Though  these  towns  may  not  know  condi- 
tions in  large  cities  by  the  actual  social  contact  of  a  great 
number  of  their  inhabitants  with  those  conditions,  there  are 
many  other  means  by  which  they  may  be  drawn  into  the  great 
current  of  national  social  consciousness,  which  is  now  essen- 
tially municipal,  for,  municipalities  are  the  real  growing 
points  of  our  nation.  National  social  consciousness  as  here 
used  is  due  to  "the  awareness  of  resemblances  and  of  differ- 
ences," (40:  66.)  and  is  a  more  or  less  conscious  recognition 
and  response  of  the  local  social  mind  to  national  stimuli  or 
to  social  forces  that  are.  acting  throughout  the  nation. 

Among  the  agencies  or  means  through  which  these  com- 
munities are  brought  into  contact  with  the  social  forces  of  the 
nation,  the  most  potent  are,  travel,  literature  and  the  press, 
education,  commercial  effort,  and  social  betterment  move- 
ments. 

Travel  includes  all  the  influences  that  are  brought  to 
these  towns  by  transients  or  by  residents  who  have  made  ex- 
tensive trips  to  other  parts.  When  one  considers  the  excellent 
facilities  and  the  wide  uses  made  of  them,  the  importance  of 
travel  as  a  socializing  factor,  is  evident.  The  general  use 
of  the  automobile  and  the  common  practice  of  making  long 
vacation  and  excursion  trips,  have  within  the  last  few  years 


72  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

much  augmented  this  influence.  Travel  is  usually  in  itself  a 
form  of  recreation,  and  unusual  recreational  activities  are 
apt  to  appeal  strongly  to  the  traveler,  and  to  be  reported  at 
home. 

Another  important  means  of  socialization  by  personal 
contact  is  provided  through  the  various  forms  of  higher  edu- 
cation. The  population  of  Nebraska  increased  11.8  per  cent 
during  the  decade  ending  in  1910.  During  the  same  period 
the  enrollment  at  the  State  University  increased  70  per  cent. 
The  estimate  made  by  the  United  States  Census  Bureau,  Jan- 
uary, 1917,  showed  an  increase  of  14  per  cent  in  the  popula- 
tion of  the  state  since  the  census  of  1910.  From  1910  to  1917 
the  enrollment  at  the  State  University  increased  71  per  cent. 
Other  educational  institutions  of  the  state  have  grown  rapidly. 
This  growth  means  a  more  general  dissemination  of  the  pro- 
ducts of  higher  education.  The  recent  trend  toward  the  so- 
cialization of  education  more  and  more  makes  students  car- 
riers and  distributors  of  socializing  forces.  The  fact  that 
more  than  400  students  at  the  State  University  during  the 
school  year,  1916-17,  were  from  the  forty-six  towns  here  con- 
sidered, is  an  indication  of  the  distribution  of  these  influ- 
ences. The  various  phases  of  school  extension  work,  chau- 
tauquas,  and  lecture  courses,  are  other  definite  educational 
means  that  tend  to  unify  thought  and  action,  and  to  establish 
a  social  consciousness. 

As  has  been  shown  in  a  previous  chapter,  play  and  recre- 
ation have  in  recent  years  been  recognized  as  forming  a  part 
of  a  complete  educational  program.  The  dissemination  of 
progressive  education  necessarily  carries  with  it  better  care 
of  play  and  leisure.  (26:  241.) 

Commercial  advertising  in  newspapers  and  magazines  is 
based  upon  the  belief  that  they  are  potent  forces  in  getting 
people  to  do  things.  (31:  93.)  Books  and  periodicals  on  so- 
cial subjects  have  appeared  with  great  rapidity  in  the  last 
quarter  of  a  century.  A  new  or  an  unusual  piece  of  social 
work  is  soon  in  print,  and  made  available  to  the  people 
through  the  small  or  large  public  library.  Newspapers  and 
magazines  abound  in  material  dealing  with  amusements,  pleas- 
ure resorts,  sports  and  kindred  topics.  As  a  rule  they  em- 
phasize the  superiority  of  urban  life.  The  popular  magazines 
reflect  the  life  of  the  great  city.  Most  of  them  are  published 


MEANING  OF  OVER-LAPPING  AGENCIES  73 

in  New  York  City.  (100:  188.)  By  actual  count,  out  of  the 
list  of  magazines  and  periodicals  classed  by  Severance  under 
the  title  "Literary,"  thirty-four  of  the  forty-seven  leading 
publications,  are  printed  in  New  York  City.  Five  are  published 
in  Boston,  four  in  Chicago,  three  in  Philadelphia  and  one  in 
San  Francisco.  (104.)  This  list  was  made  in  1914.  At  pres- 
ent the  Curtis  publications  and  "The  Atlantic"  are  the  only 
generally  circulating,  standard  magazines  published  outside 
of  New  York  City.  Print  is  one  of  the  silent  factors  that  dis- 
turbs provincialism  and  aids  in  the  formation  of  the  larger 
social  consciousness. 

Commercial  agencies  are  quick  to  grasp  the  monetary 
value  of  a  dynamic  social  mind,  so  they  strive  to  introduce 
into  the  small  towns  metropolitan  commercial  practices.  The 
prestige  of  the  big  city  in  these  matters  makes  this  compara- 
tively easy.  "Metropolitan  fashions,  amusements,  pastimes, 
drinks,  topical  songs,  books  and  magazines  enjoy  everywhere 
the  right  of  way,"  (100:  188.)  not  alone  because  the  smaller 
communities  consciously  imitate  the  city,  but  also  because 
commercial  agencies  cultivate  and  exploit  the  racial  tendency 
or  instinct  of  gregariousness.  (114:  85-88.)  Perhaps,  Gerald 
Stanley  Lee  is  not  far  from  the  truth  when  he  says :  "We  live 
in  crowds.  We  get  our  living  in  crowds.  We  are  amused  in 
crowds.  Civilization  is  a  list  of  cities."  (66:  191.)  Ross 
asserts  that  New  York  City  leads  the  nation  in  matters  of 
fancy,  taste  and  caprice.  He  says:  "Foreign  artists,  singers, 
actors,  musicians  and  lecturers  make  their  debut  there,  and 
the  verdict  of  the  metropolitan  critics  gives  the  cue  to  the 
rest  of  the  country.  Books,  plays  and  operas  are  launched  in 
New  York."  (100:  188.)  In  chapter  iii,  is  a  discussion  of 
the  influence  of  New  York  City  in  fixing  recreational  stand- 
ards. 

It  is  in  the  field  of  activities  that  appeal  primarily  to  the 
emotions  and  feelings  that  the  prestige  of  the  great  city  is 
most  powerful.  Congestion,  leisure  and  commercial  greed  pro- 
duce a  combination  of  forces  that  are  apt  to  lead  to  dissipat- 
ing forms  of  recreation.  Congestion  itself  tends  to  lead  to 
crime  and  immorality.  (68:  53.)  It  is  the  sex  appeal  in 
one  form  or  another  that  gives  the  holding  power  to  the  the- 
atre and  the  motion  picture  show.  (38:  43-47.)  Perhaps, 
none  of  the  other  instincts  or  original  tendencies  of  man  are 


74  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

so  potent  for  making  or  unmaking  right  character  as  the  sex 
instinct.  The  theatre,  the  motion  picture  show  and  the  public 
dance  are  the  common  forms  of  public  recreation  that  make 
strong  appeals  to  this  instinct,  and  these  appeals  are  often 
perversive. 

The  various  lines  of  commercial  effort  tend  to  stimulate 
local  social  mind  by  provoking  wants,  and  satisfying  desires. 
These  wants  and  desires  may  lead  to  better  social  conditions, 
or  may  not.  American  capital  is  looking  for  productive  chan- 
nels of  investment,  and  is  not  always  particular  about  result- 
ing social  values.  Probably  no  other  important  social  force 
loses  so  little  of  its  metropolitan  momentum  in  passing  to  the 
smaller  places  as  does  commercialized  public  recreation. 

Social  betterment  movements  usually  develop  in  large 
cities  as  the  results  of  attempts  to  solve  specific,  pressing 
social  problems.  The  local  need  is  great.  Some  citizen  or 
group  of  citizens  sees  the  need,  and  through  organized  effort 
attempts  to  relieve  it.  If  successful,  and  somewhat  spectacu- 
lar, the  movement  quickly  spreads  to  other  cities  and  soon 
reaches  the  small  towns.  Somber  success  is  slower  but  passes 
the  same  way.  A  recent  striking  example  of  the  rapid  spread 
of  a  somewhat  spectacular  social  practice  is  seen  in  the  growth 
of  the  community  or  municipal  Christmas  tree.  The  first 
community  Christmas  tree  was  placed  in  Madison  Square, 
New  York  City,  during  the  Christmas  season  of  1912.  It 
was  inspired  by  the  loneliness  of  a  young  American  student 
in  a  strange  German  town  during  the  holiday  season  of  1911. 
He  resolved  that  on  the  following  Christmas  he  would,  if 
possible,  provide  a  Christmas  tree  for  lonely  people.  He  told 
his  experience  to  a  friend  in  New  York  City.  She  conceived 
the  idea  of  a  public  Christmas  tree.  (67:  415.)  Ten  thous- 
and people  gathered  about  the  tree  on  Christmas  Eve.  Christ- 
mas spirit,  common  underlying  racial  tradition,  and  instinctive 
curiosity  made  it  a  success.  "The  American  cities  represent 
the  debris  of  Europe's  social  tradition.  It  can  never  be  res- 
urrected in  any  literal  way,  but  by  community  action  as  such, 
it  can  be  re-created  in  far  richer  and  deeper  kind."  (67:  415.) 
This  tree  appealed  to  social  groups — to  old  world  traditions- 
common  to  the  cosmopolitan  population  of  New  York  City. 
Its  appeal  aroused  community  sentiment,  and  for  a  little  time 
there  was  the  pulsation  of  community  life.  There  are  all 


MEANING  OF  OVER-LAPPING  AGENCIES  75 

sorts  of  seeds  in  American  social  soil.  Community  habits 
of  gladness  and  friendliness  and  symbolic  days  will  cause  them 
to  grow.  (67:  416.) 

Newspaper  and  magazine  descriptions  carried  this  tree 
to  the  farthest  corners  of  the  nation.  More  than  three  hun- 
dred cities  in  the  United  States  had  community  Christmas 
trees  in  1915.  (28:  6.)  A  committee  called  the  "Tree  of  Light 
Committee"  with  headquarters  at  New  York  City  distributes 
free  of  charge  suggestions  and  directions  for  organizing  and 
managing  community  Christmas  tree  celebrations.  Data  are 
not  at  hand  to  give  the  exact  number,  but  many  community 
Christmas  trees  were  given  in  the  towns  of  Nebraska  in  1916. 

The  rise  of  various  forms  of  community  music  illustrates 
the  second  type,  or  a  somewhat  slower  growth  of  a  social 
movement  that  at  present  in  some  of  its  forms  permeates  al- 
most every  community,  large  or  small.  The  present  status 
of  this  movement  as  a  national  social  force,  seems  to  be  best 
expressed  in  "A  Call  to  a  National  Conference  on  Community 
Music,"  issued  in  April,  1917,  by  twelve  leading  members  of 
important  organizations,  "devoted  to  various  aspects  of  this 
movement."  This  conference  was  held  in  New  York  City,  May 
31,  and  June  1,  1917.  The  development  and  purposes  of  the 
movement  are  given  in  the  call  as  follows :  "The  Community 
Music  Movement  has  in  the  space  of  a  few  years  risen  to  im- 
mense proportions  in  America,  bringing  to  the  people  of  the 
nation  a  new  message  of  unity,  of  patriotism,  of  brotherhood 
in  song,  and  of  universal  expression  in  beauty  and  joy. 

"It  is  well  recognized  that  the  movement  is  identified 
with  a  new  current  of  social  consciousness  which  carries  its 
significance  far  beyond  that  pertaining  to  the  special  field  of 
musical  art  in  itself.  The  movement  recognizes  fully  the  place 
and  value  of  a  high  development  of  artistic  refinement,  but  in 
its  present  stage  it  exists  primarily  to  liberate  the  spirit  of 
the  people  through  free  participation  in  great  forms  of  com- 
munal expression."  (73:1.) 

The  relation  of  community  music  to  other  social  move^, 
ments  is  thus  described  in  the  conference  call.  "Among  the 
many  activities  and  organizations  touching  the  Community 
Music  movement  there  may  be  mentioned:  municipal  con- 
certs, civic  music  associations,  community  choruses,  symphony 
and  other  concerts  at  popular  prices,  community  Christmas 


76  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

trees  with  music,  community  orchestras,  and  school  choruses, 
pageants  and  community  masques  and  dramas,  music  school 
settlements,  musical  activities  in  settlements  generally,  peoples 
institutes,  social  centers,  the  recreation  movement,  Americani- 
zation and  patriotic  societies,  and  many  others."  (73:  1.) 

Few  of  these  musical  activities  have  yet  reached  the  small 
towns.  In  twenty-seven  of  the  forty-six  towns  of  this  study, 
summer  concerts,  or  other  music  is  provided  by  the  city,  and 
paid  for  entirely,  or  in  part  by  city  funds.  Only  since  1915 
has  the  state  legislature  permitted  a  tax  to  be  collected  for 
this  purpose.  A  music  supervisor  is  a  part  of  the  public  teach- 
ing force  in  twenty-five  of  the  forty-six  towns.  (75.)  Ten  years 
ago  only  twelve  of  these  towns  had  music  supervisors.  (76.) 
School  choruses,  orchestras,  festivals  and  other  musical  ac- 
tivities of  a  like  character,  are  common  in  towns  that  provide 
a  music  supervisor  for  the  public  schools.  Community  sing- 
ing has  appeared  in  a  few  Nebraska  towns.  The  first  Inter- 
Community  Conference  held  under  the  auspices  of  the  Ne- 
braska Federation  of  Musical  Clubs  met  at  Lincoln,  Novem- 
ber 25,  1916.  An  inter-community  concert  and  community 
singing  were  important  features  of  this  meeting. 

These  recent  developments  of  musical  activities  are  not 
new.  They  are  old  forms  modified  to  fit  social  conditions. 
The  singing  school  of  the  past  was  a  form  of  community 
music ;  it  was  often  community  singing.  Social  readjustments 
caused  chiefly  by  the  rapid  growth  of  cities,  changed  indus- 
trial conditions,  immigration  and  the  struggle  for  wealth,  for 
a  time  seemed  to  have  made  impossible,  or  to  have  drawn  the 
people  away  from  many  former  social  and  recreational  prac- 
tices. Rural  communities  have  lost  many  of  their  saving 
forms  of  entertainment  and  recreation.  Urban  communities, 
primarily  industrial  centers,  caring  little  and  thinking  little 
of  social  conservation,  have  permitted  public  leisure  to  be 
preyed  upon  by  the  dominant  force  of  the  city — commercial- 
ism. Perversive  appeals  to  deep-seated  racial  instincts  have 
been  carried  too  far.  Perverted  and  distorted  forms  of  music 
have  been  used  for  commercialized,  dissipative  purposes  until 
a  sort  of  social  revulsion  seems  to  have  taken  place. 

"Music  more  than  any  other  mode  of  expression,  is  a 

language  of  the  feelings We  can  say  that  music  is  the 

expression  of  the  mind  of  man  that  is  larger  and  deeper  than 


MEANING  OF  OVER-LAPPING  AGENCIES  77 

the  consciousness  of  the  individual.  It  comes  from  the  generic 
and  ancestral  life,  and  appeals  to  the  racial  in  us."  (85: 
272-3.)  Modern  industrial  conditions  give  little  chance  for 
the  expression  or  appreciation  of  music  in  connection  with 
work.  Machinery  and  efficiency  interfere.  This  is  true  not 
only  in  the  large  factory  and  shop,  but  also  in  small  industrial 
plants  and  mercantile  establishments  of  all  kinds.  Music  is 
permissible  only  when  it  helps  to  sell  something.  Formerly, 
people  in  practically  all  occupations  sang  at  their  work,  "but 
in  these  days  there  is  a  terrible  silence  of  humanity  while 
at  work."  (39:  454-5.)  The  shadoof  men  along  the  Nile 
River  as  they  perform  their  monotonous  tasks  hour  after  hour, 
with  their  primitive  tools,  are  said  to  chant  weird  songs  as 
they  work.  (11:  3.)  In  America,  we  have  more  efficient  ma- 
chinery and  more  efficient  men,  but  the  men  are  not  as  happy 
as  they  work,  as  are  the  shadoof  men  of  the  Nile. 

The  recognition  of  these  industrial  conditions  and  the 
commercial  perversion  of  racial  desire  have  been  the  chief 
factors  in  bringing  about  the  community  music  movement. 
There  has  been  a  natural  reversion  to  old  forms  of  expression. 
"We  are  all  animals  in  captivity,  and  we  eagerly  seize  every 
kind  of  vicarious  function  which  can  give  at  least  a  memory 
of  the  life  from  which  we  are  excluded."  (54:  28.)  So  the 
artificiality  of  modern  congestion  finally  seeks  relief  in  social 
practices  of  a  simpler  past.  Community  music  in  its  various 
forms,  appears  as  an  expression  of  an  effort  to  recover  an 
almost  lost  force  for  social  betterment.  Dr.  Rose  Yont  after 
a  very  careful  survey  of  the  entire  field  of  music,  states  that 
in  general  the  cultural  value  of  music  in  the  United  States 
has  never  before  been  so  keenly  appreciated  as  at  the  present 
time.  (123:  224-29.) 

The  social  center  movement  is  ten  years  old.  It  is 
now  called  the  community  center  movement.  Whatever  name 
is  given  to  it,  it  is  little  more  than  a  re-discovery  of  local 
social  consciousness,  a  recognition  of  a  neighborhood  feeling 
which  was  formerly  characteristic  of  rural  settlements.  The 
process  of  urbanization  tends  to  dissipate  cooperative  inter- 
est, except  in  things  that  finally  lead  to  monetary  values.  So- 
cial neighborhood  life  almost  disappears  under  such  condi- 
tions. Social  isolation  is  almost  complete  in  the  large  apart- 
ment houses  of  a  great  city.  Social  isolation  is  one  of  the 


78  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

results  of  excessive  congestion.  Even  the  school  house  may 
become  an  institution  unrelated  to  the  community,  except  as 
a  place  supported  by  public  taxation,  to  which  parents  are 
forced  to  send  their  children  five  days  in  the  week  for  nine 
months  in  the  year. 

Edward  J.  Ward,  the  leader  in  the  organization  of  the 
first  social  center  in  the  United  States,  at  Rochester,  New 
York,  July  5,  1907,  defines  the  social  center  as  follows :  "The 
Social  Center  of  any  community  is  the  common  gathering 
place,  the  head-and-heart  quarters,  of  the  society  whose  mem- 
bers are  the  people  of  the  community."  (116:1.)  The  move- 
ment has  developed  very  rapidly.  In  1916,  there  were  at  least 
500  community  centers  in  the  United  States.  (19:12.)  The 
community  center  is  much  larger  in  its  purpose  as  at  present 
conceived  than  was  the  original  social  center.  The  first  Na- 
tional Conference  on  Community  Centers  was  held  in  New 
York  City  in  April,  1916.  The  second  was  held  at  Chicago 
in  April,  1917.  At  the  first  conference  Dr.  Gulick  said :  "The 
community  center  is  a  social  structure  for  the  promotion  of 
friendliness,  which  is  the  most  important  thing  in  the  world. 
The  product  of  the  community  center  is  friendship,  and  the 
community  center  is  to  be  judged  by  the  quantity  and  quality 
of  friendship  it  produces,  just  as  a  factory  is  to  be  judged  by 
the  quantity  and  quality  of  its  output."  (45:  9.)  "The  com- 
munity center  is  not  a  place.  It  is  the  people  organized  for 
the  enrichment  of  life  and  for  common  action."  So  said  John 
Collier  at  the  same  conference.  He  further  states,  "Its  aim 
is  that  the  common  life  of,  by  and  for  the  people  shall  not  per- 
ish." (19:  12.)  Throughout  all  the  discussions  of  the  aims 
and  purposes  of  the  community  center  there  runs  the  idea 
that  the  movement  is  primarily  to  care  for  public  leisure,  to 
utilize  leisure  as  a  recuperative  force,  instead  of  allowing  it 
to  continue  as  it  has  been  and  now  is,  in  a  large  measure,  a 
dissipative  force. 

As  was  shown  in  division  D  of  this  chapter,  the  terms, 
community  center  and  community  building,  are  used  in  small 
places  to  designate  local  development,  and  so  vary  much  in 
meaning.  The  village  of  Elgin,  Antelope  County,  in  the  north- 
central  part  of  Nebraska,  furnishes  an  example  of  a  peculiar 
development  of  a  community  movement.  Elgin  has  a  com- 
munity club.  Through  this  club  an  effort  is  being  made  to 


MEANING  OF  OVER-LAPPING  AGENCIES  79 

unite  village  and  country  social  forces  for  the  welfare  of  all. 
The  club  is  financed  by  a  fee  collected  from  each  member,  and 
is  a  legally  capitalized  corporation.  Karl  W.  G.  Miller,  the 
organizer  of  the  club,  in  describing  its  activities  says:  "This 
club  now  is  engaged  in  the  work  of  transforming  the  town 
opera  house  into  a  community  building,  which  will  house  all 
the  activities  of  the  organization.  There  being  no  other  theater 
or  public  hall  in  the  town,  this  virtually  means  that  all  'shows' 
and  other  public  entertainment  features  will  be  placed  under 
the  supervision  of  this  association  of  public  spirited  citizens 
who  will  be  guided  by  a  sense  of  the  community  good  rather 
than  of  the  dollar.  But  amusements  constitute  only  a  part 
of  the  activities  to  be  taken  up  by  this  club."  (53.) 

Elgin  has  a  population  of  about  900.  Governmental  in- 
fluence does  not  enter  into  the  management  of  this  club  ex- 
cept in  an  advisory  capacity.  The  village  officers,  the  county 
superintendent  of  schools,  and  the  village  school  teachers  are 
consulted  with  reference  to  community  welfare  work,  but  offi- 
cial position  does  not  carry  with  it  any  special  power,  and  no 
public  money  is  used  by  the  club.  (53.) 

Pleasant  Dale,  a  village  of  about  300  people  in  Seward 
County,  has  a  community  club  with  the  public  school  building 
as  the  center.  Its  purpose  is  "to  give  good  and  wholesome 
entertainment  to  the  people  of  the  community."  (88.)  This 
community  club  is  evidently  an  extension  of  the  idea  of  the 
school  "literary  society"  of  years  ago. 

Whatever  form  these  community  movements  may  take, 
there  is  evidence  in  all  of  them  of  the  influence  of  the  original 
social  center  idea,  and  their  rapid  rise  throughout  the  nation 
in  cities  and  villages,  large  and  small,  is  certain  proof  of  pub- 
lic social  and  recreational  needs. 

Reverting  again  to  the  discussion  of  the  factors  that  have 
pushed  play  and  recreation  into  the  forefront  of  public  con- 
cern, as  given  in  chapter  iii,  it  is  necessary  to  re-examine 
in  detail  some  of  the  forces  there  enumerated  in  order  to  at- 
tempt to  account  for  the  growing  demand  for  public  recrea- 
tion in  small  towns.  Why  are  the  agencies,  through  which 
these  communities  are  brought  into  contact  with  the  social 
forces  of  the  nation,  so  powerful  ?  Are  the  commonly  accepted 
agencies  of  civilization — the  home,  the  church,  the  school,  the 
vocation,  and  the  state — individually  equally  potent  in  the  big 


80  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

city,  and  in  the  small  town?  That  is,  for  example,  does  the 
home  in  the  big  city  count  for  as  much  in  the  sum  total  of 
metropolitan  civilization,  as  does  the  home  in  the  small  town, 
in  its  civilization? 

Admitting  that  the  five  agencies  of  civilization  do  "con- 
serve the  past,  preserve  the  present,  and  make  possible  a  pro- 
gressive future,"  (56:  1.)  is  it  possible  to  determine,  even  in 
a  general  way,  the  varying  influence  exerted  by  each  agency 
at  any  given  time  and  place? 

All  the  elements  of  civilization  were  in  the  primitive 
home.  Considering  civilization  as  an  indefinite  series  of  con- 
stantly enlarging  concentric  circles,  the  home  is  the  center 
of  all  the  circles  and  is  the  center-most  circle.  From  it  has 
radiated  all  civilization.  As  the  radii  have  lengthened,  the 
other  agencies  have  been  thrown  off  from  the  home,  and  have 
become  distinct  portions  of  the  ever  enlarging  part-sectors. 
Thus  in  general,  the  home  portion  of  the  part-sectors,  the 
primary  agency,  has  constantly  decreased  in  proportion  to 
the  total  area  lying  between  any  two  consecutive  circumfer- 
ences. The  relative  proportions  of  the  five  part-sectors  have 
varied  at  different  times  and  with  different  peoples  at  the  same 
time.  No  attempt  can  be  made  here  to  trace  these  variations 
through  the  mazes  of  the  past.  A  recognition  of  their  exist- 
ence, however,  is  essential. 

A  civilization  is  never  static.  The  circles  are  ever  vary- 
ing. The  part-sectors  continually  change  proportions.  As  the 
circles  enlarge  there  is  a  constant  tendency  for  new  part- 
sectors  to  appear,  formed  by  activities  that  grow  out  of  and 
become  institutions  not  dependent  upon  the  other  sectors.  A 
new  part-sector  is  thus  another  secondary  agency  of  civiliza- 
tion which  is  not  functionally  dependent  upon  the  older  sec- 
tors. 

A  civilization  is  never  uniformly  distributed  even  among 
the  most  homogeneous  people;  the  factors  or  agencies  that 
form  the  civilization  may  be  the  same  in  number  and  general 
character.  There  is  an  American  civilization,  and  a  German 
civilization,  but  each  of  these  civilizations  varies  probably  as 
much  within  itself  as  the  two  national  ideals  vary  from  each 
other.  "Civilization  is  a  kind  of  a  mould  that  each  nation  is 
busy  making  for  itself  to  shape  its  men  and  women  according 


MEANING  OF  OVER-LAPPING  AGENCIES  81 

to  its  best  ideal/'  (108 :  13.)  This  mould  is  variable,  or  there 
could  be  no  movement  forward  or  backward. 

This  variation  of  the  civilization  of  an  apparently  homo- 
geneous nation  is  due  largely  to  the  unequal  distribution 
among  the  people  of  the  fundamental  agencies  of  civilization. 
If  the  sectors  were  proportionally  constant  throughout  the 
nation  the  civilization  would  be  more  nearly  uniform.  Why 
do  the  sectors  vary  so  widely? 

The  division  of  the  population,  by  the  United  States  Cen- 
sus Bureau,  into  rural  and  urban  is  not  merely  a  convenience 
of  classification.  Of  course,  the  government  definition  of  ur- 
ban is  purely  arbitrary,  but  there  is  a  fundamental  basis  for 
the  two  divisions.  Urban  civilization  differs  from  rural  civ- 
ilization. 

"The  physical  development  of  Humanity  since  its  earliest 
stages  has  been  largely  due  to  the  reaction  of  individuals  upon 
one  another  in  those  various  relations  which  we  characterize 
as  social."  (34:  66.)  Human  beings  never  normally  live  in 
isolation — savage  and  civilized  men  alike  dwell  in  groups. 
(41:  81.)  They  are  always  more  or  less  dependent  upon  one 
another  and  upon  physical  environment.  People  as  a  rule  live 
where  they  can  live  easiest  and  attain  the  greatest  amount  of 
pleasure,  so  regions  or  places  favored  by  nature  tend  to  at- 
tract human  beings.  Individuals  react  upon  one  another  more 
readily  when  they  are  near  to  one  another.  "Aggregation  is 
itself  a  condition  favorable  to  further  aggregation."  (41 :  87.) 
Highly  favored  spots  in  regions  favorable  to  aggregation, 
aided  by  man's  transforming  powers  have  become  great  gan- 
glia of  populations.  (57.)  In  very  recent  times  some  of  these 
ganglia  are  placed  and  developed  by  business  enterprises,  al- 
most regardless  of  natural  fitness.  Accumulated  wealth  and 
modern  transportation  facilities  have  made  this  possible. 
Ganglia  or  urban  populations  are  called  agglomerations;  the 
ordinary  aggregations  are  rural.  Agglomerations  may  be 
termed  the  cerebra  of  civilization.  So,  the  division  of  the  pop- 
ulation into  urban  and  rural  is  really  based  upon  physical  and 
psychical  differences,  and  is  as  old  as  civilization  itself. 

As  has  been  shown  in  the  first  part  of  this  division,  re- 
cent changes  in  the  various  means  of  communication  have 
made  it  possible  for  metropolitan  social  forces  to  pass  easily 
and  rapidly  into  nature-favored  rural  communities,  regard- 


82  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

less  of  the  distance  of  these  communities  from  great  agglom- 
erative  centers.  The  rapid  urbanization  of  rural  regions  in 
general  is  an  accepted  fact  of  American  social  life,  but  the 
metropolitan  character  of  this  urbanization  has  not  been  duly 
considered. 

The  first  hand  influence  of  the  big  city,  especially  in  mat- 
ters relating  to  emotional  life,  has  been  noted  in  another  part 
of  this  division.  The  very  existence  of  rural  and  urban  popu- 
lations in  a  given  region  accounts  for  much  of  the  variation 
of  the  sectors  of  the  civilization  of  that  region.  It  is  not  neces- 
sarily the  difference  in  the  quantity  that  marks  the  distinc- 
tion between  urban  and  rural.  It  is  the  proportional  distri- 
bution of  the  sectors.  The  total  area  of  the  two  circles  may 
be  the  same.  As  urbanization  becomes  more  complete  the 
sectors  approach  one  another  in  proportional  area. 

The  magnification  of  one  sector  is  apt  to  cause  a  diminu- 
tion in  one  or  more  of  the  other  sectors  in  the  same  circle ;  or 
in  other  words,  an  increase  in  the  functions  of  one  agency  of 
civilization  is  likely  to  be  at  the  expense  of  one  or  more  of 
the  other  agencies. 

In  chapter  ii,  the  social  complications  arising  from  con- 
gestion of  populations  are  considered  with  special  reference 
to  public  play  and  recreation.  It  is  shown  in  that  chapter 
that  the  home  has  undergone  marked  changes,  chiefly  as  a 
result  of  congestion,  which  is  largely  an  outgrowth  of  mod- 
ern industrialism.  In  the  communities  under  consideration, 
there  is  no  real  problem  of  congestion.  There  are,  of  course, 
in  each  of  these  rural  agglomerations,  a  few  families  living 
in  the  up  town  "blocks,"  that  is,  on  the  second  floor  or  possi- 
bly the  third  floor,  of  store  and  office  buildings,  and  there  is  at 
least  one  slum  district  in  which  there  are  a  few  over-populated 
houses.  There  is,  however,  no  over-populated  district.  The 
houses  have  open  spaces  about  them  and  there  is  usually  a 
garden  attached  to  each.  Very  few,  if  any,  homes  are  half  a 
mile  from  the  public  park,  open  fields,  or  open  play  spaces 
on  vacant  lots.  The  streets  of  western  towns  are  wide  and 
the  blocks  are  not  large.  Congestion  per  se  cannot  be  an  im- 
portant factor  in  changing  home  conditions  in  these  towns. 

The  owned  home  is  not  passing  away  in  the  small  towns 
as  it  is  in  the  large  cities,  as  is  shown  in  the  chapter  referred 
to  above,  though  there  is  a  gradual  increase  throughout  the 


MEANING  OF  OVER-LAPPING  AGENCIES  83 

nation  in  the  number  of  rented  homes.  (110:  1295.)  How- 
ever, the  industrial  changes  of  the  past  fifty  years  have  had 
much  to  do  with  the  small-town  home.  There  is  no  home  in- 
dustrial group.  The  members  of  a  family  usually  engage 
in  diverse  vocations.  There  is  not  the  bond  of  common  in- 
terest that  formerly  bound  the  family  together.  The  indi- 
vidual vocational  duties  and  interests  of  the  members  of  the 
family  take  them  outside  of  the  home  circle  for  at  least  half 
of  their  waking  hours.  Social  ties  and  groups  are  formed, 
based  largely  upon  these  outside  interests.  These  draw  away 
from  the  home  during  hours  of  leisure.  The  shorter  work  day 
gives  also  in  these  towns  more  hours  of  leisure.  The  misfits 
in  occupations  and  the  consequent  perversions  of  leisure  are 
at  least  as  common  as  in  the  large  cities. 

Other  factors  strengthen  this  tendency  toward  family 
disintegration.  The  taking  over  by  the  public  schools  of  much 
of  child  and  youth  training  that  was  formerly  given  by  the 
home,  has  transferred  some  interest  from  the  home  to  the 
school.  Some  assert  that  this  training  reflects  back  into  the 
home  and  improves  it.  The  movement  is  too  new,  and  pres- 
ent social  changes  are  too  complex  to  measure  accurately  the 
results  of  this  transference.  However,  there  must  be  some 
loss  to  the  home  when  the  child  looks  to  the  school  instead  of 
to  the  parents  for  home  training,  social  activities,  and  play 
direction.  Not  alone  in  matters  of  discipline,  does  the  teacher 
of  the  present  stand  in  loco  parentis. 

The  multiplicity  of  church  activities  in  these  small  towns 
has  been  described.  Religious  training  has  largely  passed 
out  of  the  home  into  the  church.  The  Sunday  school  is  slowly 
adapting  public  school  principles  and  practices  to  religious 
training.  Religious  training  is  being  approached  through 
social  service.  The  Sunday  school  is  beginning  to  take  the  place 
of  parents  in  other  matters  besides  religion.  The  church  is 
very  slowly  adjusting  itself  to  meet  constantly  growing  social 
and  recreational  needs. 

This  study  of  Nebraska  cities  and  villages  has  brought  out 
the  fact  that  there  is  a  marked  tendency  in  these  small  places 
to  provide  some  means  of  leisure  and  recreation  as  a  public 
utility  to  be  paid  for  by  public  taxation.  Public  parks,  public 
libraries,  municipal  music,  school  gymnasiums,  and  occasionally 
city  halls  are  facilities  through  which  this  is  usually  done. 


84  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

These  activities  are  not  new  in  the  large  city,  but  they  are  in 
most  cases  recent  developments  in  these  towns.  That  there 
is  a  growing  demand  for  the  enlargement  of  public  provisions 
for  play  and  recreation,  has  been  pointed  out  in  division  D  of 
this  chapter.  The  recent  permissive  leisure  and  recreation 
legislation  on  the  part  of  the  state  is  further  evidence  of  this. 
(See  division  B  of  this  chapter.)  These  public  means  of  play 
and  recreation  have  not  grown  directly  out  of  the  home.  They 
are  rather  the  expression  of  a  growing  community  conscious- 
ness of  scoial  maladjustment,  and  their  use  and  the  trend  of 
public  opinion  in  regard  to  them,  are  certainly  indicative  of  the 
failure  of  the  other  agencies  to  supply  and  safeguard  play 
and  recreation. 

The  inventory  of  public  play  and  recreation  facilities,  and 
the  uses  made  of  them  clearly  show  that  a  large  share  of  public 
play  and  recreation  is  provided  by  private  concerns,  or  indi- 
viduals as  a  business  proposition.  There  is  in  most  cases  a 
sort  of  legal  supervision  which  is  often  little  more  than  nom- 
inal, or  at  its  best  suppressive  and  regulative.  There  is  no 
legal  supervision  in  case  of  many  of  these  activities,  so  many 
of  the  facilities  for  public  recreation  are  provided  by  what 
might  be  called  an  unattached,  free-lance,  composite  agency. 

The  meaning,  which  the  cumbersome  term  just  used  in- 
tends to  carry,  needs  to  be  made  clearer.  Recurring  again 
to  the  conception  of  civilization  as  a  series  of  concentric  circles, 
with  the  home  as  the  center  and  the  central  circle,  it  will  be 
recalled  that  the  four  secondary  agencies  of  civilization  de- 
veloped from  this  center;  also  that  a  civilization  at  any  given 
time  is  the  total  area  made  up  of  the  five  part-sectors,  including 
more  or  less  varying  parts  attached  to  these  sectors,  plus  other 
free  portions  in  process  of  forming  a  new  sector  or  agency. 
It  is  these  free  portions  to  which  the  term  unattached  free- 
lance, composite  agency  applies. 

The  industrial  revolution,  the  socializing  and  homeish 
tendencies  in  education,  the  social  service  movement  in  the 
church,  and  the  remarkable  expansion  of  governmental  func- 
tions, especially  in  municipalities,  are,  as  has  been  pointed  out, 
the  most  potent  factors  that  have  been  in  recent  times,  and  are 
at  present,  working  toward  the  dissociation  of  the  home.  The 
industries  have  gone  from  the  home.  The  household  is  no 
longer  an  industrial  plant.  Another  agency  takes  care  of  that 
field  of  activity.  Parents  are  no  longer  teachers  or  trainers 


MEANING  OF  OVER-LAPPING  AGENCIES  85 

of  their  children.  Formal  education,  all  phases  of  vocational 
training,  and  moral  and  religious  instruction  have  in  a  large 
measure  passed  over  into  other  institutions.  Authority  over 
individuals  in  the  ordinary  situations  of  life,  even  in  the  home, 
and  provisions  for  human  welfare  in  general,  have  been  in 
many  cases  assumed  by  government,  particularly  by  municipal 
government.  The  home,  minus  the  various  definite  activities 
that  have  been  transferred  to  these  agencies,  and  minus  other 
less  definite  activities  that  have  passed  over  into  what  has  been 
called  the  free-lance  composite  agency,  seems  to  be  in  the 
throes  of  an  acute,  social  readjustment.  The  future  influence 
of  the  home  is  problematic.  One  thing  seems  certain,  the  re- 
habilitation of  either  the  rural  or  urban  home  of  the  past  is 
impossible.  Perhaps,  this  rehabilitation  is  neither  necessary 
nor  desirable. 

Social  readjustments  are  often  hindered  by  institutional 
conservatism,  and  institutional  sanguineness.  A  fixated  in- 
stitution is  usually  slow  to  assume  a  new  function,  (69:  12.) 
and  the  institution  that  parts  with  it  is  apt  to  be  over-sanguine 
of  the  results  accruing  from  the  transplanting.  The  attitude 
of  the  school  toward  recently  acquired  activities,  and  the  re- 
sulting high  expectations  of  the  home  and  the  vocation,  are 
examples  of  this  readjustment.  The  home  in  this  social  re- 
adjustment seems  to  look  to  other  agencies  to  do  what  it 
should  be  able  to  do  for  itself.  The  school  is  already  heavily 
loaded  with  home  and  vocation  functions.  The  church  is  as- 
suming former  home  duties.  The  state  through  the  school 
and  other  channels  of  municipal  government  is  providing  and 
controlling  many  former  home  activities. 

This  more  or  less  abstract  discussion  of  the  causes  and  re- 
sults of  the  dissociation  of  the  home  and  of  the  consequent 
social  readjustments,  may  seem  somewhat  far  afield  in  this 
connection.  However,  a  reconsideration  of  the  facts  of  this 
chapter  clearly  indicates  that,  in  the  main,  the  agencies  of 
civilization  affect  the  small  towns  and  cities  here  considered 
in  the  same  way  that  they  do  the  large  cities.  The  above  state- 
ments concerning  the  home  as  applied  to  the  large  cities,  are 
generally  accepted,  or  have  been  supported  in  previous  chap- 
ters. The  instability  of  the  home  and  its  maladjustment  to 
present  social  conditions  are  recognized  facts.  (43:  Chap.  13.) 

The  underlying  cause  of  this  social  unrest  and  of  the  so- 
cial maladjustment  of  the  home,  are  not  so  apparent,  and 


86  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

the  relation  and  application  of  these  social  disturbances  to  play 
and  recreation,  may  seem  remote  and  even  visionary.  The 
home  is  not  a  sentiment  only.  It  is  not  merely  a  physical  fact 
with  a  biological  basis.  A  genetic  study  of  the  home  shows 
that  it  has  been  both.  As  used  here,  it  is  the  place  in  which, 
or  at  which,  lives  the  basic  monogamic  family  of  two  genera- 
tions— parents  and  children — plus  the  social  complex  that 
arises  from  responses  to  the  situations  growing  out  of  close 
and  constant  association  -  within  the  home,  and  contact 
with  other  institutions  of  civilization.  Since  the  other  in- 
stitutions have  grown  out  of  the  home,  the  character  of 
the  home  determines  the  character  of  civilization.  The 
close  and  constant  association  of  the  individuals  of  the 
home  is  necessary  for  its  complete  functioning.  Whatever 
disturbs  or  prevents  this  close  association  causes  maladjust- 
ments of  the  agencies  of  civilization.  The  dissociation  of  the 
home  has  taken  place  because  the  members  of  the  family  have 
been  forced  out  of  the  home  to  perform  the  functions  that 
have  become  attached  to  the  institutions  that  have  developed 
from  the  home,  (43:  413-27.)  On  account  of  these  develop- 
ments and  transfers,  the  close  and  constant  association  of 
the  home  has  to  a  great  extent  been  made  impossible.  No  in- 
stitution has  developed  for  this  close  association  of  the  family 
outside  of  the  home.  The  home  has  been  in  a  great  measure 
sacrificed  in  order  to  meet  the  needs,  real  or  supposed,  of  these 
later  institutions.  The  home  has  really  become  a  secondary 
agency  of  civilization,  subordinate  to  the  institutions  that  have 
developed  from  it.  Each  attempts  to  adjust  the  home  to  fit 
its  needs.  Each  of  these  functionally  primary  institutions 
has  built  up  about  itself  more  or  less  definite  purposes,  and 
social  machinery  for  attaining  these  purposes.  Although 
these  later  institutions  are  organically  related  to  the  home, 
the  present  status  of  the  home  indicates  that  there  is  no  bond 
that  holds  them  close  enough  to  the  home  or  to  home-like 
fundamentals,  to  secure  satisfactory  social  adjustments. 

There  is  normally  a  margin  of  leisure  around  the  serious 
and  essential  interests  of  every  institution  or  activity  of  mod- 
ern life.  It  has  not  always  been  so.  Until  within  recent  times 
there  were  two  classes  of  people:  1.  The  working  class,  2. 
The  living  class.  The  first  class  had  little  or  no  leisure;  the 
second  class  really  made  civilization  out  of  leisure  time.  (60: 
19-20.)  This  margin  is  growing  wider.  (See  Chapter  II.) 


MEANING  OF  OVER-LAPPING  AGENCIES  87 

Within  this  margin  of  public  leisure,  which  includes  the  play 
of  children,  lie  the  activities  which  if  organized  into  an  insti- 
tution or  sixth  agency  of  civilization,  would  strengthen  the 
home  and  help  much  in  social  adjustments.  This  margin, 
misunderstood  and  misused,  accounts  for  many  of  the  harm- 
ful elements  of  the  free-lance  composite  agency  of  civilization. 
The  margin  of  public  leisure  has  in  it  the  possibilities  of  an 
institution  with  purposes,  plans  of  operation,  and  social  ma- 
chinery as  peculiar  to  itself  as  are  these  relations  to  any  other 
agency  of  civilization.  Such  an  institution  may  be  called  Recre- 
ation. This  new  institution  could  provide  in  a  measure  at  least 
for  the  lost  associations  of  the  home,  by  grouping  in  a  develop- 
mental system  all  the  public  play  and  recreation  activities  of 
the  community,  so  that  each  family  would  have  a  recreation 
home,  a  common  home-leisure  center. 

The  beginnings  of  this  institution  are  seen  in  the  efforts 
of  governmental  agencies  to  control  and  provide  for  public 
play  and  recreation,  and  in  the  attitude  of  religious,  philan- 
thropic and  social  agencies  toward  leisure  and  recreation 
activities.  The  demand  is  shown  by  the  general  utilization  of 
the  various  facilities  provided,  and  also  by  the  numerous  un- 
related, systemless  social  betterment  organizations  and  move- 
ments that  are  at  present  really  institutionless,  and  inefficient 
in  general  application.  The  need  is  shown  by  the  general  ex- 
ploitations by  commercial  and  incidental  agencies  of  instinctive 
desires  by  over-stimulation  and  perversion,  and  by  the  dis- 
sociation of  the  home,  and  by  the  human  and  economic  waste 
of  the  present  means. 

The  assumption  on  the  part  of  cities  of  much  of  the  re- 
sponsibility for  public  play  and  recreation  is  described  in  chap- 
ter iv.  The  large  cities  are  spending  vast  sums  of  money, 
and  making  painstaking  efforts  to  provide  wholesome  play  and 
recreation.  These  efforts,  however,  are  being  made  through 
existing  agencies.  In  a  few  cities  there  seem  to  be  the  be- 
ginnings of  a  recreational  institution.  The  fundamental  dif- 
ferences between  rural  and  urban  conditions  make  it  evident 
that  the  municipalization  of  play  and  recreation  must  pre- 
cede the  complete  institutionalizing  of  play  and  recreation, 
and  that  this  municipalization  must  develop  first  in  the  large 
cities.  Chapter  iv,  and  divisions  A,  B,  C  and  D  of  this  chapter 
support  this  statement. 

While  facilities  for  play  and  recreation  in  the  forty-six 


88^  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

small  cities  and  villages  are  not  provided  by  the  municipalities 
to  the  extent  that  they  are  in  the  larger  cities,  there  is  con- 
clusive evidence  that  the  tendency  is  decidedly  in  that  direc- 
tion, and  that  the  public  demand,  and  the  public  need  are  al- 
most as  urgent  as  they  are  in  the  larger  cities.  The  factors 
of  home  dissociation  are  almost  as  pronounced  in  these  small 
towns  as  in  large  cities,  and  the  need  of  an  institution  to  care 
for  play  and  recreation  is  almost  as  great.  Though  this  in- 
stitution is  forming,  these  activities  are  at  present  generally 
cared  for,  or  exploited  by,  other  agencies. 


CHAPTER  VI 
Conclusion 

Some  conclusions,  may  with  a  fair  degree  of  assurance, 
be  drawn  from  the  massing  of  the  data  submitted.  Also,  some 
suggestions  for  a  possible  municipal  recreation  system  may 
be  allowed. 

The  provision  and  administration  of  public  play  and  recre- 
ation is  one  of  the  most  serious  and  important  problems  of 
government.  It  is  especially  a  grave  problem  in  the  city. 
Congestion,  industrialism,  immigration,  increase  of  leisure, 
and  the  consequent  dissociation  of  the  home,  have  been  large 
factors  in  making  this  problem.  Commercial  exploitation  of 
play  and  leisure  has  hurried  public  recognition  of  the  serious- 
ness of  the  problem.  Easy  and  rapid  dissemination  of  social 
practices  makes  this  problem  much  the  same  in  cities  large 
and  small. 

Sufficient  evidence  has  been  given  to  establish  the  fact 
that  big  cities  do  in  a  large  measure  control  the  quality  of  the 
recreation  of  the  people  of  the  smaller  towns.  The  smaller 
cities  and  villages  pass  their  recreational  practices  to  the 
most  rural  communities.  In  this  sense  municipal  control  of 
public  recreation  is  an  accomplished  fact.  The  proper  control 
of  the  recreational  output  of  the  big  cities  through  their  own 
institutional  machinery  is  the  key  to  the  complicated  problem. 

The  main  burden  of  this  discussion  has  been  to  point  out 
that  large  municipalities  are  recognizing  and  assuming  recre- 
ational responsibilities,  and  in  so  doing  are  slowly  developing 
a  distinct  instituton  for  the  care  of  public  play  and  leisure. 

It  is  within  recent  years  that  cities  have  undertaken  to 
work  out  the  leisure  problem  as  a  distinct  problem.  It  has 
been  dealt  with  as  fragments  of  existing  institutions.  It  is 
only  within  the  last  few  years  that  it  has  been  recognized  as 
a  social  problem,  comparable  in  importance  to  the  problem  of 
public  education. 

It  has  been  shown  that  cities  in  meeting  this  problem 
are  providing  and  assuming  the  control  of  their  public  play 
and  recreation  facilities.  The  municipalization  of  play  and 
recreation  seems  to  be  the  beginning  of  the  formation  of  the 
institution,  Recreation,  which  promises  to  become  in  import- 
ance and  universality  comparable  to  public  education. 


90  MUNICIPALIZATION  OF  RECREATION 

There  is  great  need  of  a  master  mind  to  put  together  the 
fragments  of  this  forming  institution,  to  bind  them  into  a 
system,  not  fixed  and  set,  but  based  upon  human  developmental 
needs.  Conservatism,  commercialism,  and  clash  of  authorities 
hinder. 

As  at  present  provided  and  administered,  playground  and 
recreation  facilities  of  cities  are  often  too  far  removed  from 
the  people  who  need  to  use  them,  and  in  their  administration 
there  is  lack  of  the  recognition  of  the  developmental  nature 
of  play  and  recreation.  Systematic  municipalization  of  these 
activities,  which  implies  full  ownership  and  control,  or  at  least 
absolute  control,  would  establish  recreation  districts.  Within 
these  districts  would  be  provided  outdoor  facilities  and  recrea- 
tion buildings  easily  accessible  to  all  the  people  of  a  given 
neighborhood.  These  units  placed  close  to  the  people,  pro- 
viding wholesome  developmental  play  and  recreation  for  all 
members  of  the  family  at  all  reasonable  times,  would  become 
a  recreation-home  for  the  family,  and  a  neighborhood  center. 

This  institution  would  do  much  towards  unifying  the  home 
and  readjusting  it  to  the  present  social  situation.  Parents  and 
children  would  be  bound  closer  together  by  new  emotional 
interests,  which  the  present  city  home  cannot  provide.  The 
impersonal  aspects  of  city  life  would  tend  to  disappear  under 
the  influence  of  small  community  recreational  interests.  The 
school  would  continue  to  educate  for  "the  worthy  use  of  leis- 
ure," but  Recreation  would  provide  means  for  wholesome  and 
developmental  uses  of  leisure  outside  of  school.  Labor  would 
be  protected  and  directed  in  its  free  hours.  The  church  would 
continue  to  profit  by  a  wider  use  of  recreation,  and  govern- 
mental machinery  could  be  simplified  and  coordinated. 

Such  an  institution  would  save  the  child  and  adolescent 
from  commercial  exploiters  of  play  and  leisure  and  from  dan- 
gerous idleness,  and  would,  with  the  normal  support  of  the 
other  institutions  of  civilization,  make  them  sound  adults, 
capable  of  transmitting  their  mental,  moral  and  physical 
vigor  to  their  offspring:  for  the  problem  of  heredity  is  the 
problem  of  the  child  and  adolescent.  The  adult,  as  guardian 
of  the  child  and  adolescent,  and  as  worker,  would  be  made  more 
efficient  through  this  institution. 

This  new  institution  is  developing  in  the  city.  Urbaniza- 
tion is  making  the  nation  a  city  in  social  practices,  so  this  in- 
stitution promises  in  time  to  become  national. 


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